The Dominion - Ecuador

Ecuador's Fickle Friend

Martin Lukacs — Mon, 06 Dec 2010 05:25:52 +0000

Canada waffles in its support for Latin American democracies

CUENCA, ECUADOR—Ecuador awoke on September 30, 2010 to police protests. Across several highland and coastal cities, police burned tires, shut down access routes and neglected their posts. They said they were protesting the Public Service Law passed the night before, which would affect economic bonuses based on promotion.

By midday, however, efforts to destabilize the Ecuadorian administration became evident. The security detail at the National Assembly closed various entries to the legislature, while a small contingent from the air force shut down the Quito airport.

The focal point of international attention, however, was on President Rafael Correa, holed up for more than twelve hours in a police hospital after personally confronting police in the capital city of Quito. Police shot tear gas at and roughed up the President who, recovering from recent knee surgery, was escorted to the nearby hospital. Rebel police surrounded the building, at which point the president reported that he was under threat and sounded the alarm on an attempted coup.

With memories of the 2009 Honduran coup fresh in collective memory, Spain, France, more than 10 Latin American countries and several regional organizations were quick to issue declarations of support for the small Andean nation's democratically-elected president, and its constitutional order. Spain, a key investor in Ecuador and home to hundreds of thousands of Ecuadorian immigrants, gave further assurance through its foreign affairs minister that it “would mobilize all of its diplomatic arsenal...so that this revolt stops.”

Canada—another top investor in Ecuador, frequently having high level meetings with the Correa government—responded differently. Canada co-sponsored a mid-afternoon resolution at the Organization of American States (OAS). But it was only after the Ecuadorian military joint command declared its loyalty to Correa, the US State Department issued its own statement of support for the President, and just over an hour before a special military and police operation rescued Correa, that Canadian Minister of State of Foreign Affairs for the Americas Peter Kent circulated an independent statement.

“Canada is concerned about the growing unrest in Ecuador and is monitoring the situation closely,” the statement read. “We call on all parties to refrain from violence and any other actions that could imperil the rule of law and the country’s democratic institutions.”

Critics of Canadian foreign policy see Canada's delayed response as a sign of uneasy relations. Despite Correa's public support for Canadian economic interests in recent years, they suggest Canada's backing is by no means guaranteed. They pinpoint geopolitical and economic concerns as potential culprits.

As Latin America has become a foreign policy priority, Canada has shown conditional support for constitutional democracy and national sovereignty in left-leaning countries aspiring to even moderate change. The Canadian government's hand in facilitating a coup against the popularly elected government of President Jean Bertrand Aristide in Haiti in 2004, and its failure to push for the return of President Manuel Zelaya to Honduras in 2009, are notable examples.

Todd Gordon, Associate Professor in Political Science at York University and author of the forthcoming book Imperial Canada, sees parallels between Canada's response to the coup d'etat in Honduras and the statement regarding Ecuador. Canada's statement on the Honduran coup came fairly late the same day, after other countries and bodies had responded, he notes. Despite largely peaceful protests by the coup opposition, Canada in effect laid some blame on Zelaya and his supporters.

“From the time that [then Honduran President] Zelaya [was] deposed until Lobo [was] elected, Canada consistently [called] on all parties, not just the government and the coup plotters [that were the principle source of aggression and human rights violations], to avoid violence and remain peaceful,” Gordon said.

Gordon points to similar language in Canada's statement on Ecuador when it called “on all parties” to show restraint, not specifying that police were the main aggressors.

“They don't want to come out and say we're pro-coup, but Canada's response is a diplomatic way, I think, to say they're not actually that excited about the government that's being threatened,” he said.

Gordon questions if Ecuador's participation in efforts for more independent regional integration, such as the Bolivarian Alternative for Latin America and the Caribbean (ALBA), unsettles Canada.

Department of Foreign Affairs Spokesperson Priya Sinha, however, says Canada's statement should be interpreted as unequivocal support for Correa and says its position at the OAS backs this up.

“  Canada reacted swiftly and strongly in support of the legitimate government of the Republic of Ecuador when it co-sponsored a resolution at the OAS on the afternoon of September 30th,” stated Sinha by email to The Dominion.

The OAS resolution “repudiated” any attempt to oust the Correa administration and called on governments and multilateral institutions in the region to "stop the coup d'etat from becoming a reality.”

On the national front in Ecuador, Canada wields economic clout. But despite the headway that Canada's corporate and diplomatic lobby appeared to be making to secure investments in mining, oil and infrastructure during Correa's administration, Jeffrey Webber, a researcher and lecturer at Queen Mary University of London, believes Correa has never been Canada's ideal option.

“Correa was not the preferred candidate of the Canadian state,” Webber said. “Canada has been happy to see Correa's trajectory to the right, but is nonetheless concerned about his vulnerability to the bases that put him into office.”

Correa was elected on his promise to bring an end to Ecuador's “long neoliberal night.” With regard to mining, a key sector for Canadian investment, pre-existing disputes with affected communities gave rise to a national movement urging Correa's administration to look at alternatives to gold and copper extraction. At the time, no large-scale project had reached production.

After 40 years of oil production that left in its wake environmental destruction and social upheaval, Indigenous and non-Indigenous organizations demanded their country be off-limits to mostly Canadian companies dominating the nascent sector—companies that arrived in Ecuador under favourable conditions created by earlier World Bank-sponsored reforms.

In April 2008, Ecuador's National Constituent Assembly, which was rewriting the country's constitution, decreed that all large-scale mining be suspended and that most mineral concessions be revoked without compensation, because they overlapped with water supplies and protected areas, and because companies failed to consult with affected communities.

The decision represented an important—albeit short-lived—victory for the anti-mining social movement.

Canadian companies fought back with a well-financed public relations campaign in which they promised Ecuadorians “a fair deal.”

According to one company executive, companies also received “tireless” support from the Canadian Embassy to arrange high-level meetings and influence the new mining law. As large scale mining was suspended, President Correa granted Canadian businessmen a privileged seat during mining law negotiations. The mining mandate was not applied to key holdings of many Canadian companies.

Correa, who has made it clear that he intends to make metal mining a source of future state revenue through bolstered state participation, also abruptly distanced himself from Indigenous, campesino (peasant) and environmental groups critical of such policies. He called them infantile, foolish and the greatest threat to his political project, and helped foment rumours about links between such organizations and imperial interests.

This delegitimization campaign, however, did not quash local resistance. Important mobilizations against mining have taken place over the last year in areas where companies such as Toronto-based Iamgold and Kinross Gold are exploring.

But Priya Sinha says Canada looks favourably upon recent mining reforms and makes no mention of social tensions.

“Canada is encouraged by improvements in the environment for mining investments in Ecuador,” the Foreign Affairs representative stated.

Sinha did add that companies want to know how the government will apply new tax rules.

“Clarity in the tax regime with regard to future investments would allow companies to assess the tax implications for their projects and determine whether they remain economically viable,” he stated.

The new mining law restored royalty payments on mining to a minimum of five percent and established a windfall tax of seventy percent on profits made above a base price.

Canadian diplomats have also indicated concern regarding the future of Canada's bilateral investment agreement with Ecuador.

Reforms passed in Ecuador's 2008 constitution mandate that the government will not enter into agreements that defer to international arbitration, unless the arbitration body is in Latin America. In 2009, Canada's bilateral agreement came up for review.

Canada's Ambassador to Ecuador, Andrew Shisko, indicated that this did not sit well with Ottawa. Revision of Canada's bilateral investment agreement “is causing profound concern in Canada. A stable and transparent investment environment is fundamental for the success of Canadian investment in Ecuador,” he stated in a written message to the Ecuadorian-Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Guayaquil.

This could still be a concern. During an in-person meeting in Quito in August, Ecuadorian Foreign Affairs Minister Ricardo Patino told Foreign Affairs Minister for the Americas Peter Kent that “Ecuador will not maintain bilateral investment treaties.”

The National Assembly voted in September to denounce similar pacts with the UK and Germany for not being in line with the new constitution.

Challenges for Canadian interests on the domestic front, together with Ecuador's commitment to more independent regional integration efforts, lead Webber to believe that Canada would not be upset to see different leadership in Ecuador.

“Correa has aligned himself with very fickle friends, who are going to abandon him at the first turn because he's not the preferred candidate of transnational capital,” said Webber.

Any potential destabilization on September 30th was averted. But as political tensions persist in Ecuador, it remains to be seen how the uncertain relations will unfold.

From 2007 to 2010, Jennifer Moore reported from Ecuador as a freelance print and broadcast journalist.

Correa and Harper

Common Snapping Turtle

Cameron Fenton — Sun, 07 Feb 2010 05:22:01 +0000

Ograbme!

One of the largest freshwater turtles in North America, the common snapping turtle—a member of the Chelydridae family—can trace its roots to the Late Cretaceous period, over 70 million years ago.

Chelydra serpentina, named for its powerful jaws and the snake-like appearance of its neck and head, can be found all across central Canada, the United States and as far south as Ecuador. Typically living in shallow water, the common snapping turtle can be a prickly customer on land, with a reputation of being unfriendly to wayward fingers.

Snapping turtles’ snorkel-like nostrils lie on the very tip of their snouts, allowing them to remain in shallow water and mud for long periods of time.

Efficient aquatic scavengers, the omnivorous snapping turtle has a varied diet of plant and animal matter. Snappers are also known to hunt on occasion, eating small fish, rodents, reptiles and even unsuspecting birds.

Human interest in the snapping turtle has typically been for making soup, with hunting still practiced in most of North America. In Ontario, they have been labeled a species of special concern—a species with characteristics that make it sensitive to human activities and natural events.

Known in North American folklore as the “Ograbme” (embargo spelled backwards) the snapping turtle earned a place in the history of our southern neighbours, becoming a feature in political cartoons commenting on the 1807 Jeffersonian embargo act which banned trade between the United States and other nations.

Snapping Turtle

How Good is Canada’s Word?

dawn — Mon, 10 Nov 2008 09:41:13 +0000

Vancouver's Corriente Resources is in deep in Ecuador

QUITO, ECUADOR–“Companies should respect society and the environment,” said former Canadian International Trade Minister Michael Fortier during a recent visit to Ecuador. “And if they don’t, we will not approve of their continued operations.”

The Ecuadorian capital was the final stop on Fortier’s Latin American tour in mid-August, which also included Mexico and Panama.

Canadian capital makes up over 90 per cent of the money being invested in Ecuador’s nascent metal mining sector. The industry has been in development for about 15 years but has yet to see any large-scale mineral projects go into production despite dozens planned.

Widespread local opposition during a period of policy change has led companies to lobby hard for political support from the Canadian government.

And since the Ecuadorian National Constituent Assembly passed a decree on April 18 toughening up mining regulations, Canadian government officials have stepped up their support for the over 25 Canadian-financed companies exploring in Ecuador.

The decree ordered most mineral concessions revoked for various reasons, including proximity to headwaters, overlap with protected natural areas, concessions obtained through government officials with insider knowledge and failure to consult with local communities.

Both Fortier and Canadian ambassador to Ecuador Christian Lapointe have expressed concern to the Ecuadorian government over the decision.

But it is likely that a combination of political pressure from Canada and a lack of political will from President Rafael Correa’s government (which favours mining to bolster state revenue) will leave most criteria for revoking mineral concessions unapplied. Large-scale metallic mining activities, however, have been suspended until a new mining law is approved.

The law, anticipated to replace the government decree, has had extensive industry input and will likely be approved by an interim congress now that Ecuador's new Constitution has been approved by a referendum.

Despite these developments, Canada is keeping the pressure on. Before Canadian elections were called on September 7, Fortier announced that Prime Minister Stephen Harper would travel to Ecuador to meet with Correa. It would be surprising if mining is not on his agenda.

Collective rights disregarded

Despite Fortier’s assurances, Canada’s help for mining companies does not ensure respect for communities acting in defence of their rights and their environment.

Shortly after President Correa’s January 2007 inauguration, a nationwide movement against mining began to coalesce.

The rural, environmental, and indigenous organizations in the coalition have emphasized the lack of respect for communities' right to consultation guaranteed in the current constitution. Many of these groups have been lobbying for a provision that would require local consent for mining activities to be included in the new constitution, although this has ultimately been opposed by the government.

Alberto Acosta, the former Minister of Energy and Mines and past President of the National Constituent Assembly, said that in lieu of community consultation, "Companies have specialized in how to divide communities," leading to "near civil war" in parts of the country.

Familiar strategies to divide communities include fabricating charges against mining opponents, allegations often made by third parties with a known connection to mining companies. Threats and the use of force have also been employed. And corporate-community relations programs that are often aimed at particular individuals or groups within a community fostering or aggravating strong differences over mining are widely seen as buying the 'social license' that companies need.

The April mining decree included the failure to consult with communities as one of the criteria for revoking mineral concessions. However, protecting companies appears to be Canada’s priority.

Ian Harris, Senior VP of EcuaCorriente, a subsidiary of Vancouver-based Corriente Resources Inc., recently wrote that, “The Canadian Embassy in Ecuador has worked tirelessly to affect change in the mining policy – including facilitating high-level meetings between Canadian mining companies and President Rafael Correa.”

Another industry leader commented that the embassy has reminded the President and his ministers to respect Canada’s Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement (FIPA) with Ecuador.

Amongst other things, the FIPA says that Canadian investments cannot be expropriated “without prompt and adequate compensation.”

Compensation is not ensured in the mining decree, which orders revocation of mineral concessions without compensation.

Under the investment agreement, companies also have “access to binding international arbitration for disputes arising from a breach of the treaty,” notes Michael O’Shaughnessy from the Department of Foreign Affairs.

So far, the partial application of the mining decree has meant that the companies have apparently not felt the need to seek recourse under the treaty. However, the question remains as to whether the treaty is also playing a role in limiting the application of the decree.

Indiscriminate support

Further challenging Fortier’s claim is Canadian government support for companies with a questionable human rights record.

In one strange twist of events, the Ottawa-based research and advocacy organization MiningWatch Canada received “malicious” letters from two indigenous representatives, including Shuar leader Ruben Naichap.

The letter included “bizarre accusations of genocide and that we were somehow paying people to blockade the road,” says Communications and Outreach Coordinator Jamie Kneen.

What MiningWatch had done was post information on its website about heavy military repression against anti-mining resistance in the area pertaining to Corriente Resources’ Mirador Project.

A report submitted by several Quito-based human rights organizations to the Inter American Commission of Human Rights describes human rights violations resulting from this incident.

It was later verified that the correspondence from Naichap was written on a computer owned by Corriente Resources.

Corriente is one of a handful of companies banking on an extensive gold and copper mining district in Ecuador’s Southern Amazon. Their mineral concessions include a 20km by 80km band across five counties in two provinces.

Company representatives have also enjoyed regular discussions with the Ministry of Mines and Petroleum, have had input into the country's mining law, and have attended a meeting with top Ecuadorian officials along with seven other companies that was facilitated by the Canadian embassy shortly after the mining decree was announced.

MiningWatch, on the other hand, is still waiting for a response to a letter to the embassy sent over a year ago about why the Canadian government supports Corriente.

Kneen wants to know why “one of the companies at the centre of one of the hottest conflicts where people have been shot at, tear gassed, a congressman has been taken hostage for about three days... and that has had a stop work order, [is] being treated as a respectable corporate citizen.”

A Fair Deal?

Despite this conflict – or perhaps because of it – Corriente has also run the highest profile pro-mining publicity campaign of any company in Ecuador.

Using the slogan “A Fair Deal,” the campaign focuses on the promise of jobs and development. But its questionable choice of local collaborators is suspected to have undermined indigenous organizations and aggravated tensions in the Amazon region.

Don Clarke, vice president of sustainable development for Ecuacorriente, promotes himself as a specialist in facilitating company relations with indigenous communities.

Writing for the Canadian Foundation for the Americas (FOCAL), Clarke says, “Companies that lack the corporate capacity to understand indigenous issues quickly encounter issues that can dramatically impact their bottom line and render the business environment hostile.”

This may be true, given that areas desired by extractive industry increasingly include indigenous territories.

Clarke’s approach in Ecuador has been challenged by indigenous organizations, especially given the support he has provided to such controversial representatives as Ruben Naichap, who signed one of the letters that MiningWatch received last year.

As early as 1998, two regional Shuar federations from the Southern Amazon publicly denounced Naichap for “conflictual, divisionist and individualistic behaviour that has caused serious problems within their communities.”

In 2007, a Shuar Association that groups together indigenous communities near one of Corriente’s main projects also expelled Naichap for aggression and corruption.

Naichap has worked closely with Don Clarke over the last year and a half, becoming a sort of national and international emissary on behalf of Corriente and the large scale mining industry in general.

Clarke indicates that Corriente has a “Memorandum of Understanding” with Ruben Naichap’s Shuar Federation, one of two in the Province of Zamora Chinchipe.

The agreement includes regular financial support that, Clarke says, he believes the "communities manage appropriately.” In addition, it includes stipulations about labour and services and is viewed as a step toward an eventual Impact Benefit Agreement.

María Belen Páez, from Quito-based Pachamama Foundation, says that money provided by companies in such cases “provokes tension, aggravates conflicts and without doubt arrives at extremes of violence.”

Angel Awak is President of the nationally-recognized Shuar Federation of Zamora Chinchipe, which works with Amazonian and nationwide indigenous organizations that are highly critical of mining.

Awak attributes the 'grave conflict' that they are experiencing to mining and other extractive industries.

He says money causes problems, particularly at the level of the community where “it is used to buy people’s conscience and begins to divide families.” He is also worried about a group that is said to be forming to confront mining opponents. Naichap is believed to be involved with this new organization.

Clarke responds by saying, “Our company has always been open to work with anyone that wants to be worked with... It’s not the role of the company to decide who’s legitimate or not, our role is to work with stakeholders.”

But given his stated expertise in community relations, his easy dismissal of the tension his company generates begs the question about how “corporate capacity to understand indigenous issues” is being used. And whether “a hostile environment” might actually work in the company’s interest to mask and weaken opposition to their particular projects.

A little respect

“To enter, one should have permission,” considers Awak, “Just like going into someone’s house.”

“This small group of people [referring to Naichap] is speaking out because they have the resources to do so. For those of us who are on the defense, we just don’t have resources for the world to hear us" he continued, adding, "Our people need quality education and healthcare, but without destruction."

With state forces aligned on the side of industry, and coalitions of indigenous organizations and environmental groups fighting to prevent mining from taking place without local consent, the struggle in Ecuador is far from over. As a result of President Correa’s support for the mining industry, however, the fight might move from national politics to tough battles at the local level.

MiningWatch Canada's Kneen suggests that Fortier needs to keep his word. “We’re not saying that Canadian businesses don’t deserve some level of support,” he explained.

But, he said, “Historically, Canada’s objectives internationally have included democratic development and protection of human rights... If those are still being respected we need to see how these decisions are being made.”

Jennifer Moore is an independent print and broadcast journalist currently based in Ecuador.

Mestizo_farmers

Intag Valley

September in Review

dru — Mon, 01 Oct 2007 23:34:05 +0000

GM on strike, uranium mining, 1.2 million dead in Iraq

73,000 employees of General Motors (GM) went on strike, shutting down 82 facilities, to oppose cuts to wages, jobs and health care. After two days on the picket line, which cost GM an estimated $100 million per day, United Auto Workers announced a tentative deal with GM management. The strike also affected plants in Canada, which supply roughly 50 per cent of the parts used by GM. Initial details of the contract sparked anger among some workers, who say the agreement benefits union bureaucracy, but continues to roll back wages and jobs. "I’ve read the Wall Street Journal and they’re gloating over the agreement," said one auto worker. "The company wanted to outsource a lot of these jobs, but instead... they can keep them in-house and pay the same rate as they would to someone on the outside. The only difference is the union keeps these workers as dues-paying members. The UAW doesn’t lose, but the workers do." Before it is adopted, workers must vote to ratify the contract.

Algonquin demonstrators from the Ardoch and Shabot Obaadjiwan Algonquin First Nations paddled canoes to Ottawa to protest a planned uranium mine near Sharbot Lake, Ontario. The canoers seeked to demonstrate that radioactive waste from the mine would potentially flow into the Ottawa River and subsequently Lake Ontario. Algonquin demonstrators have been occupying the mine site, which they say is Algonquin territory.

A proposed uranium mine near the Inuit community of Makkovik, in northern Labrador, has stoked debate. While the prospect of jobs appeals to many, a radioactive mine is not as appealing to others. Douglas Jacques, whose family has hunted and trapped near the mine site for three generations, told the CBC that he anticipates mining companies will "go off with millions and millions, and we won't get a thing out of it."

Nine protesters from Six Nations were arrested at a Caledonia subdivision construction site. The Six Nations demonstrators say the developer of Stirling Creek Estates does not have the right to build on the property, as it is Kanienkehaka (Mohawk) territory. The arrests occured after one of the developers was reportedly injured in an altercation with several Six Nations youth.

The UN General Assembly passed the Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The only countries to vote against the declaration were Canada, USA, Australia and New Zealand.

The government of New Brunswick announced a $237 million budget surplus, more than ten times what was expected. The extra revenues are thought to stem from increased prices for metals mined in the province, such as zinc.

The government of Ecuador ordered Canadian mining company Ascendant Copper to suspend all activities at its controversial Junín project. Carlos Zorilla of DECOIN, a grassroots environmental group that has been fighting Ascendant, said, "It's a fine political balancing act... I see it as an attempt to close down Ascendant's operations in [the area] while at the same time trying hard not to provoke... the international financing institutional world, not to mention the wrath of the Canadian government." Ascendant has been accused of using bribes and paramilitary thugs to suppress local opposition to the Junín mining project, which Conservation International has called one of the most ecologically diverse areas in the world.

The levels of Arctic sea ice reached a record low on September 16, breaking the previous record, set in 2005, by 1.19 million square kilometres--roughly the size of Manitoba and Saskatchewan combined. Some scientists say that Arctic ice has reached a "tipping point," which will be followed by accelerated melting. "All models seem to underestimate the speed at which the ice is melting," one climate scientist told Reuters. The change is likely to result in increased exploration of oil, gas and other natural resources in the region.

Carpenters, roofers, pipefitters, plumbers and other tradespeople staged wildcat strikes in Alberta, demanding changes to the Alberta Labour Code. The contested legislation denies the right to strike after 75 per cent of the province's trade unions have agreed to a contract. Hundreds marched in Edmonton to protest the legislation, which dates back two decades.

The Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers went on the offensive against a new report calling for Alberta to receive a larger share of revenues from tar sands mining, calling it "faulty" and "flawed." The Globe and Mail reported that the tar sands were facing a "capacity squeeze" due to insufficient pipeline space to carry increased production of oil.

A coalition led by the Ontario Coalition Against Poverty held a "day of action" calling for the provincial government to "increase social assistance, raise the minimum wage and build affordable/social housing." "Welfare and disability rates have lost 40% of their real value, the minimum wage is still at sub poverty levels and the lack of decent housing in this City is a shame and a disgrace," the group said in a release.

The Halifax Coalition Against Poverty (HCAP) began a series of clinics aimed at educating welfare recipients on how to obtain a little-known "special needs" allowance of $150. The coalition is working with doctors and health care professionals to provide letters for people seeking the special needs allowance. The campaign "provides the possibility for people to win money they need from the government and to have that be a way to build the confidence and dignity needed to be part of broader political struggle," said HCAP organizer Cole Webber.

Hotel workers in Vancouver threatened to strike over wages and working conditions, diversion of tips, working conditions, medical benefits, workloads and other issues. They reached a tenative agreement on September 22.

Some Canadian postal workers refused to deliver addressed advertising mail to addresses that they knew no longer belonged to the addressee. Canada Post has ordered the delivery of mail, which postal workers say takes discretion away from workers, reduces professionalism, and could violate privacy rights, if the mail disclosed religious affiliation or other personal information.

Afghan protesters near Kandahar chanted "death to Canada" and called for foreign troops to leave after two men were killed in a military raid on a local house. Canadian officials denied involvement, and dismissed requests for compensation. "We don't want to be in a situation where we're seen as just bribing people who have a grudge against us because that puts us up against insurgents who can likewise bribe," said a military spokesperson.

About 200 protesters accused NATO of war crimes, and called for the withdrawal of Canadian troops from Afghanistan in Victoria, where NATO generals were meeting to discuss military strategy.

Maxime Bernier's first speech in Quebec as Foreign Minister was repeatedly disrupted by protesters calling for an end to Canada's occupation of Afghanistan.

Protesters picketed outlets of Indigo books in Vancouver, Victoria, Winnipeg, Toronto and Montreal on the 25th anniversary of the Sabra and Shatila massacre in Lebanon. The picketers called for Indigo majority shareholders Heather Reisman and Gerry Schwartz to end support for groups recruiting soldiers for the Israeli army.

According to a new study, an estimated 1.2 million Iraqis have died since the US invasion and occupation of Iraq. The study, published by Opinion Research Business, was almost entirely absent from North American media outlets.

The UK's Telegraph reported that the US was preparing to attack Iran. "Pentagon planners have developed a list of up to 2,000 bombing targets in Iran," the report said. "Pentagon and CIA officers say they believe that the White House has begun a carefully calibrated programme of escalation that could lead to a military showdown with Iran." Many US and Canadian media outlets appeared to be engaged in a campaign to demonize the government of Iran and its president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

The government of Israel declared the 1.4 million residents of the Gaza Strip to be an "enemy entity." The move gives Israel the power to cut off power, water and other vital supplies to the impoverished, densely populated area.

Israel also carried out an unprovoked air raid into Iran. The government refused to comment on the operation, but some commentators have called it a test of Israel's capacity to attack Iran.

Sharbot Lake

Greenpeace

Are Canadian Investors Funding Terror Tactics in Ecuador?

dru — Fri, 07 Sep 2007 05:44:09 +0000

Ascendant Copper in Junin threatening species and livelihoods

[This article originally appeared in Upside Down World]

I live in one of the most biodiverse places on earth: A land rich in primary cloud forests, exotic and endangered wildlife, and countless pristine rivers and streams. The region is also filled with small villages and farms, and good people. And the area has also been very peaceful; that is until a Canadian mining copper appeared on the scene.

Ecuador’s Intag region, where Ascendant Copper Corporation’s mining project is situated, lies within two of the world’s 34 biological hotspots. In fact, scientists consider the Tropical Andes Biological Hotspot (nicknamed the "global center of biodiversity"), where Ascendant's Junin Project is located, as the most biodiverse of the 34. Intag, and especially the Toisan Range, where copper was discovered, is exceptionally rich in water resources. Its cloud forests are the home to dozens of threatened species of animals--including jaguars, spectacled bears, the critically endangered brown-headed spider monkey, and the spectacular plate-billed mountain toucan. The Junin mining project, in fact, could end up setting a record as far as the number of threatened species impacted by a single mining project.

Intag’s magic doesn’t stop at its exceptional biodiversity. It is also dotted with dozens of small villages and hundreds of small farms where, due to the area’s great altitudinal range (from 600 to 5000 meters), small-scale farmers produce and sell a dizzying variety of agricultural products.

Before Ascendant showed up on the scene, this was also an extraordinarily peaceful area. It was because of the combination of the peaceful, vibrant community life and great natural beauty, which led me to settle here in 1978 and raise my family.

Then, in the 1990s, copper was found and life for local residents was turned upside down.

In 1996, after years of exploration, Mitsubishi subsidiary Bishimetals discovered deposits of copper and molybdenum. In 1997, however, the communities rose in opposition and forced the company to abandon the project. The opposition movement was sufficiently fierce and widespread enough to prevent other responsible companies from continuing the project. It stayed that way until May of 2004, when Canada's Ascendant Copper decided that widespread local opposition to mining was not a good enough reason to pass on what could be a very lucrative project for a few greedy executives and investors.

Ever since, Intag has turned into a nasty battleground over mining. The company’s presence has created indescribable social chaos in this once-peaceful valley. Community life has been severely disrupted, and several opposition members have received death threats while others have nearly been lynched by ex-employees of the company. In addition, others have been shot, and more than 10 criminal lawsuits have been filed against more than 70 locals opposing the project. The violence directed against anti-mining activists was enough for Amnesty International to issue an immediate action alert in July of this year. The mid-day assault of a young anti-mining activist mother at her home by someone wearing a ski mask was one of the motivating factors for Amnesty’s call to action.

Ecuadorian and international organizations have denounced and documented many instances of human rights violations perpetrated against opposition to the mining company’s project. For instance, last December a paramilitary-like-force paid for by Ascendant Copper and supported by an army-hired helicopter, tried to tear gas and shoot their way past a community barricade. One of the community members was shot, but the communities were able to turn back the brutal attack. (A short video of the confrontation is posted online) A few days later, 57 members of the paramilitary force was captured by the communities, and many confessed to being hired by Ascendant or its contractor to build a mining camp.

Early one morning six months ago I got a taste of that chaos and violence when 19 heavily armed police burst into my house looking for me. They came wielding a search and arrest warrant based on trumped-up charges made by someone I believe was working for the mining company. On not finding what they came for, they took numerous personal items, and left; but not before one of the police planted a gun and a substance we believe to be drugs in my home. Another, and similarly flawed, criminal lawsuit resulted from the gun charges, but after six months all charges were dropped due to lack of evidence. In the meantime, I had to hide from the police for the 30 days that it took my lawyer to annul the arrest warrant. From evidence we’ve recently received, the main objective was to not only silence me, but to have me killed in jail. A fortunate call, minutes before the police burst into my home, spoiled the plan.

In spite of all the fear, violence and accompanying social upheaval, or perhaps because of it, all of the area’s local governments--including the provincial, county and all seven Parish-township governments, as well as the majority of communities and organizations in the area--continue to oppose Ascendant’s ill-conceived project. This is not to say that the climate of fear and even terror now in place in Intag, coupled with the company’s divide-and-conquer tactics has not, in part, succeeded in winning some support for the company. To some degree they have, but they have also created an even more determined and outraged resistance.

The role that the Canadian stock exchanges are playing as the most important venues for companies like Ascendant to fund the type operations highlighted above is deeply troublesome. In another setting, the tactics and effect they are having on the populace might be classified as terrorism. The reason this is possible seems to be due to the lack of regulations by the Canadian government to control who trades on the exchanges, and under what conditions. Nor does there seem to be effective monitoring of the information the companies publish on public sites.

For example, Ascendant, just this last March, published their 2006 reports, in which they affirm having spent $3.4 million in exploration costs for the Junin site. This, in spite of the fact that no exploration has taken place there during the past 10 years. In another part of the report, the company acknowledges that it has been unable to access their concessions! No exploration can legally move forward without the environmental impact statement being approved by the government--something which has eluded the company. One not familiar with the way Canadian cowboy companies operate overseas might wonder where the $3.4 million (today closer to 5), has really gone. Those of us who have had to withstand the brutal campaign to destroy the opposition to the mining project no longer need to ask such questions.

It would be wrong to infer that Intag is the exception when it comes to Canadian mining companies operating overseas. Just within Ecuador, the presence of another Canadian company, Corrientes Resources, also generated exceptionally violent confrontations involving the army, and which resulted in an Ecuadorian congressman almost dying in the hands of the military.

The violence, in fact, led the Ecuadorian government to suspend all mining activities for these two Canadian operations in December. In the case of Ascendant Copper, the suspension has been repeatedly made in light of the company’s refusal to abide by the terms of the suspension.

The Canadian Parliament will hopefully soon begin debating whether to adopt the recommendations coming out of the Round Table on Social Responsibility meant to regulate Canadian extractive industries overseas. As our experience shows, effective regulations are urgently needed. I also believe that the regulations will fall short unless they are also accompanied by effective oversight at the stock exchanges. In order for these controls to work, they must also count with strong criminal sanctions to assure that abuses like the ones in Intag never happen again--anywhere.

Carlos Zorrilla is founding member of the grass-roots environmental organization DECOIN. He is a coffee farmer and has lived with his family in the Intag region since 1978.

Junin, Ecuador

View of Junin, Ecuador

Defending "Life and Sovereignty"

hillarybain — Thu, 05 Jul 2007 18:55:01 +0000

Ecuador’s mining prospects, Canadian companies, and the conflict with affected communities

“…what has happened to all of the oil extracted since March 22, 1967? Ecuador has produced 4.035 million barrels of oil since that time which valued at nominal historic international prices represents a sum total of $82 billion. Where is this money? And I’m not speaking about riches, because the true riches are what have been destroyed, that weren’t in the ground, but rather in the biodiversity, in the life and in the cultures that have been lost.”

– Former Minister of Energy & Mines, Alberto Acosta, speaking on the 40th anniversary of oil extraction in the Ecuadorian Amazon

Following attempts in recent months to obtain concrete responses from the government of President Rafael Correa regarding its plans for large-scale mining in Ecuador, the National Co-ordinating Committee in Defence of Life and Sovereignty -- an inter-provincial coalition of organizations and communities -- called for a national uprising, which is ongoing. Highway blockades taking place across South and Central Ecuador between June 26 and 29 faced stern repression from police and armed forces under direct orders from the government. Recent statements by the government are also worrying to those involved.

While 2007 marks 40 years for Ecuador as an oil producing nation, it has never been a major mineral producer and current large-scale mining projects have yet to enter into production. In some situations, this is largely due to tenacious community resistance, such as in the case of Intag in the northern province of Imbabura, where struggles have been ongoing for 10 years. Legal reforms by past governments favouring private investment and internationally funded studies revealing rich mineral deposits throughout the central Andes and the southern Amazonian region of Ecuador are making the country’s mining sector attractive to foreign investors. A recent industry report by Madison Avenue Research entitled “Ecuador, Number One in Potential for Pipeline Ounces of Gold,” highlights Ecuador’s appeal to Canadian corporations in particular. To date, the Ministry of Energy and Mines has granted licenses for over 4,000 mining concessions that cover roughly 20 per cent of the surface of Ecuador, including many ecologically and culturally diverse areas, according to Acción Ecológica, an environmental organization based in Quito.

In opposition to efforts to make Ecuador a major mineral producer, the National Co-ordinating Committee in Defence of Life and Sovereignty and the thousands mobilized by its call are convinced that there are better alternatives for the future of their communities and the country. Considering that communities are already experiencing tremendous “social contamination,” even before mining begins in Ecuador, and considering the health and environmental deterioration faced in other countries where large-scale mineral mining is already happening, the National Co-ordinating Committee wants Ecuador to cut its losses before production gets underway and for Ecuador to declare itself “a country free of large-scale mining.”

The National Co-ordinating Committee in Defence of Life and Sovereignty

The National Co-ordinating Committee in Defence of Life and Sovereignty was established on January 26, 2007. It brings communities in resistance from more than eight provinces across Ecuador together and includes numerous environmental and human rights organizations, urban associations and student groups. Lina Solano from the National Co-ordinating Committee says that the “social and environmental impacts of large-scale mining are too great to justify this as a major source of income for the country.”

From Ecuador’s experience as an oil producer, “we already know where the profits will be spent,” she says. “A large percentage will be used to pay off the external debt, that is to say it will also leave the country, while another large percentage will go toward the bureaucracy and the armed forces, with a minimum percentage remaining for education and healthcare, likely not even fulfilling the 30 per cent established in our constitution,” she adds. Even such minor gains are unlikely unless the government amends the Mining Law, which requires foreign investors to pay a minimum per-hectare conservation patent and zero per cent in royalties.

Subsecretary of Mining, Jorge Jurado, indicated in an interview with Reuters on June 22 that the government plans to present reforms to Ecuador’s Mining Law to congress this month. These would reintroduce royalties, limit exploration concessions currently good for 30 years, and strengthen environmental regulations, amongst other things. The government has also said it will create an independent Ministry of Mines and a state-owned mining company.

In contrast, the National Co-ordinating Committee would like the government to suspend current projects and place a moratorium on new concessions. Following investigations, they ultimately demand that current concessions be annulled. Their demands are premised on Ecuador’s constitution which guarantees communities the right to fair and informed consultation with regard to state decisions that might affect the environment. Both the President and the former minister of energy and mines -- who stepped down on June 14 in order to announce his candidacy for upcoming elections of a new National Constituent Assembly -- have previously agreed that these demands are just and that the overwhelming majority of current concessions are unconstitutional.

As several mining projects near production, the National Co-ordinating Committee has been urgently seeking government support. However, after numerous delays following four months of marches, meetings and correspondence, the Committee declared an indefinite national uprising on June 5. Demonstrations at the end of June elicited a definitive response, but not one that protesters had been hoping for.

Police Repression

Blockades that began on June 26 shut down three major arteries around Cuenca, the third largest city in the country and capital of the province of Azuay. Other main routes were also closed in the Southern Amazonian provinces of Morona Santiago and Zamora Chinchipe, with additional demonstrations taking place in the central province of Chimborazo.

On June 27, the president ordered the police to bring an end to the blockades and stated to the press that the “elimination of mining concessions is inconceivable” given the costs that the state would incur. He refused to speak with protesters and police enforcement of his orders resulted in brutal repression against demonstrators, particularly in the vicinity of Cuenca.

Lina Solano describes how, blockade by blockade, hundreds of police used overwhelming amounts of tear gas and anti-riot vehicles to dislodge protesters of all ages from the highways violently. Dozens of people were taken into detention and injuries were sustained by a number of demonstrators, as well as several police officers. In the area of Tarqui, southwest of Cuenca, police exhausted their supply of tear gas while taking control of the demonstration and reportedly sprayed tear gas inside of several homes, nearly asphyxiating several children.

Others on site were also threatened by police, including attempts to confiscate the camera of one Indymedia journalist.

Late on June 29, in the area of Molleturo where campesinos were maintaining the last remaining blockage of the main highway connecting Cuenca with the port city of Guayaquil, protesters reported the arrival of over 400 soldiers and 150 police officers, at which point they decided to retreat from the roadway.

Detentions Target National Co-ordinating Committee Leadership

Roughly 30 people were taken into detention between June 27 and 28, many even after road blocks had been cleared. Solano and two other organizers from the National Co-ordinating Committee were amongst those held overnight on June 27.

Solano says that five police officers aggressively detained her and Nidia Soliz, also from the Committee, late in the afternoon. For roughly three hours, they were held together in a locked car without windows and driven around the countryside before being taken to provincial police headquarters. Solano says the officers were driving “at top speed, braking abruptly, presumably so that we would bang ourselves against the inside walls of the car.” Earlier in the day, Fernando Mejia of the National Co-ordinating Committee was also detained.

Solano believes that their leadership was clearly targeted. Other demonstrators also reported being interrogated by police about the homes and whereabouts of leaders from the National Co-ordinating Committee. Early on June 28, student supporters, in particular from the University of Cuenca, along with many others, held demonstrations in front of government and judicial offices and the three were granted Habeas Corpus by midday. Others held in detention were also freed, although at least 11 still have charges filed against them.

“We are incredibly surprised,” says Solano, “because we didn’t think that a government based upon the defence of our country and our sovereignty [would allow such repression to take place.]” She quotes former Minister of Energy and Mines Alberto Acosta as having said that “not one drop of blood will be shed, no matter how profitable a project might be.”

“There’s an effort to minimize participation in our movement, to say that there are only a few hundred people in opposition and that in reality the rest of the population is in favour of these mining projects.” However, says Solano, the reality is otherwise. “In all this time that [the Co-ordinating Committee] has been organizing since the 26th of January of this year, there are thousands of people mobilizing, as much women, men, elderly, children and youth -- whole families in fact -- that are demonstrating in defence of our water more than anything, since this is the resource that is most put at risk by large-scale metal extraction.”

Communities from the provinces of Imbabura, Pichincha, Bolivar and Cotopaxi have participated in previous demonstrations and the two largest indigenous organizations in Ecuador, the CONAIE and ECUARUNARI, have also released public statements expressing solidarity with the struggle.

Government Priorities Conflict with Community Interests

President Correa’s statements last week are also “incredibly worrying,” says Solano. “To give a completely negative response and to say that the government is not going to support the communities’ petitions is a marked change.”

“In the beginning,” she recalls, “the government maintained that communities’ interests would be put first, before those of private corporations, and that what the communities are asking for is just and that the government would see how to deal with the issues. But now the government seems to be planning to make mining a main source of sustenance for the country, following the depletion of oil, and to be arranging for the state to earn a percentage of mining profits to put toward areas such as education and health.”

“This is horrible from our perspective because it’s like negotiating with our lives, and in particular with the lives of thousands of rural families who are most directly affected by these mining projects,” says Solano.

The subsecretary of mining, Jorge Jurado, made a further announcement last week stating that a High Level Commission would be commissioned to produce a report within 30 days concerning Project Quimsacocha. Project Quimsacocha is a large gold mining initiative led by Canadian company IAMGOLD in the high plateau (páramos) surrounding the communities of Tarqui and Victoria del Portete, where local resistance has been vehement.

Solano says that this announcement is a “step backward” from what the government previously promised. “When we spoke with the president on March 26, he gave the green light for then-minister of energy and mines, Alberto Acosta, to initiate a series of exhaustive audits concerning current projects. However, time has passed and they had to wait for people to protest so that they can now talk about striking this high level commission. We don’t know what it will mean, who will participate and if it will entail the suspension of this project.” Above all, Solano is concerned that people will put their hope in this commission and that it will be another waste of time while mining projects proceed toward production.

The Ongoing Struggle

Solano says that looking back over the last five months, the National Co-ordinating Committee has been successful in generating national debate on the issues. However, she says, “unless other organized sectors and the rest of Ecuador respond to what is happening, regrettably we will not be able to put up a sufficient front.”

She notes that Ecuador is unique in Latin America for not having an industrial mining sector and emphasizes the country’s right to make its own decisions. “We ask everyone who understands what is taking place here to support this struggle. This is really about our national sovereignty and our right to say 'no'.”

She adds, “Within the system that we are living in, decisions are being made not even by a small group of countries anymore, but rather by a small group of transnational corporations. And these decisions are being imposed all around the world, often by blood and fire. In this regard, all international solidarity is important to us in order to reclaim our right to self-determination.

This article was originally published in America Latino Em Movimento and a shorter version is available in Spanish

Ecuador Blockade

Ecuador Blockade 2

What's Yours Is Mine

Mon, 19 Jun 2006 21:14:19 +0000

Ascendant Copper Corporation Meets Resistance in Ecuador

Several hundred mining opponents, many carrying colourful banners, marched into the town square of Garcia Moreno, Ecuador on May 20 for a region-wide assembly concerning the mining activities of Canada's Ascendant Copper Corporation. photo: UpsideDownWorld.org

In spite of criticism and resistance from local residents, Canadian mining company Ascendant Copper Corporation has big plans for its two large mining operations in Ecuador. "We are confident that Ecuador will grow to be one of the world's great copper districts," said Gary E. Davis, President and CEO of Ascendant.

Analysts at eResearch, a Canadian investment research firm, released a cautiously optimistic report on the company in early May.

"Ascendant Copper is flush with cash and about to embark on an aggressive exploration program. It expects to commence drilling on one of the properties later this year, after an environmental impact study has been completed," the report stated.

The property that Ascendant is eagerly awaiting to start drilling is in Junin, located in the Intag region of Ecuador. The report also states, "provided the Company can advance its projects forward in a timely and positive manner, we believe there is considerable upside for the [Company's] shares from current levels over the longer term."

Perception is Reality?

As for the response to Ascendant's project in Junin, a lot depends on who you ask. According to Davis, the project has huge support from local residents. He concedes that there is a vocal opposition to the project, but by his count it amounts to no more than 40 residents from the immediate area and 100 people altogether.

"Every project has its naysayers," said Davis.

But Davis' rosy outlook may not reflect the reality on the ground. Just last December approximately 70 local mining opponents burnt down one of the company's buildings. There had been a community meeting hours earlier where people voted to burn the building as an act of protest-- nearly 300 people took responsibility for the burning. There is also a letter signed by all 7 local Parish government presidents asking the Ministry of Energy and Mines to invoke a 5-year moratorium on all mining activities in Intag.

The company faces possible legal hurdles that include the possibility that the company's concessions are not legally binding because the State violated the constitutional rights of local residents by not consulting them prior to the transaction.

"There are a lot of irregularities with the project and we want them to stop the whole process," said Isabela Figueroa, a Human Rights lawyer representing people affected by the project in Intag.

The validity of Ascendant's Environmental Impact Study (EIS) has also been called into question. Figueroa is working against Ascendant with fellow lawyer Alejandro Ponce and NGOs Defensa y Concervacion Ecologica de Intag (DECOIN), Comisión Ecumenica de Derechos Humanos (CEDHU) and ECOLEX-which specializes in environmental litigation. Figueroa believes that the company failed to follow proper protocol with its EIS when it failed to consult the communities regarding the Terms of Reference (ToR). The ToR's essentially outline how and what the company will study regarding the project's impact on the local environment.

An April 20th letter sent to Ivan Rodriguez, Minister of Energy and Mines, by leaders of local communities, parishes and the Municipality of Cotacachi, expressed concern about Ascendant making the EIS public before consulting community members: "By attempting to publicize it in our zone, the company is not only committing illegal actions that are also legal reasons for nullification, but also generate confusion within communities in the area, that could lead to tension that is the concern and duty of all public authorities…to prevent."

Legal claims have been filed to nullify the study's ToR's and Figueroa is awaiting response from the Ministry of Energy and Mines and other government officials.

Environmental Concerns

Friends of the Earth-Canada (FOE-CA) and MiningWatch Canada launched "No Means No to Ascendant Copper in Ecuador" campaign on May 3 and simultaneously released a new documentary titled "The Curse of Copper" which can be viewed at www.ascendantalert.ca. The campaign urges the Canadian junior mining company to respect the wishes of local communities and local environmental laws.

"The Intag Cloud Forest is blessed with some of the most important biodiversity on the planet," said Beatrice Olivastri, Chief Executive Officer of FOE-CA. She said the company should respect the wishes of the local community and leave immediately.

"What part of 'no' does Ascendant not understand?" asked Olivastri.
Davis dismisses most of the environmental concerns as "rhetoric" and "overstated."

"This is not a pristine area," said Davis.

But he also added that the company is committed to protecting the environment. He said that despite popular beliefs no cyanide will be used at the mine. He also said that mines today are zero discharge—that no water is ever released from mines.

Carlos Zorrilla, Executive Director of DECOIN, said that Davis is wrong on every aspect of his environmental analysis. He points to an evaluation of the local environment by the Ecuadorian Environmental Organization Jatun Sacha. In a June 2005 study called "Estudio de la Caracterizacion Ecologica de la Reserva Comunitaria Junin" (Study of the Ecological Characterization of Junin's Community Reserve) the organization found that the area contained 60.3 percent primary, or "natural forest" and another 16.3 percent "slightly disturbed natural forest."

Zorrilla said that Davis will never admit that the area is primary forest or "pristine" because it would cause problems for the company. Zorrilla also scoffs at the notion that there would be no water run-off at the mine. He said that because of the vast amount of rainfall in the area and the large amounts of subsurface water, there is no way that discharge can be avoided.

In addition, he points to an EIS conducted by the Japanese mining company Bishi Metals. The company's study concluded that there would be contamination of water supplies, as well as other environmental destruction such as massive deforestation and climate change. The company owned the concession in Junin in the 1990´s before leaving after a couple hundred local residents burned the company's mining camp down. Ascendant recognizes this (on its website) as a "major revolt by local communities," yet Davis insists that any current opposition, despite even larger numbers, is a minority voice.

Davis said that the operation is only in the first phase of exploration and that there will be at least two other exploration programs over the next four years before any decision is made regarding the possible commercialization of the project. And he said that this remains "a big if."

Davis also contends that if the mine does become commercialized the ensuing development would bring many benefits to the local communities. By his approximation the mine would last between 40 and 80 years.

"If the mine becomes commercialized it would bring hospitals and service organizations, as well as Wendy's and McDonald's," said Davis.

Originally published on www.UpsideDownWorld.org

Cyril Mychalejko reports from Ecuador on local resistance to Canadian mining operations.

Copper vs. Ecology in Junín

Tue, 30 Aug 2005 01:21:43 +0000

Canadian Mining Company Preaches Development, Reaps Division in Ecuadorian Cloud Forest

[This article originally appeared in UpsideDownWorld, a website about activism and politics in South America.]

Junín community members want to continue with sustainable development based on ecotourism in the neighbouring ecological preserve.

Junín, a small town in the mountainous Intag region of northwestern Ecuador, is home to about 500 Ecuadorians. The community is rich in many ways for local residents. Fertile land produces organic coffee, sugar cane, and oranges for export. The town is located next to the Cotacachi-Cayapas Ecological Reserve and the people of Junín created their own community ecological reserve 8 years ago. These protected areas cover a large expanse of cloud forest and protect one of the world's most biologically diverse ecosystems.

The social fabric is also rich. Public works projects such as road maintenance or repairs on the school house are done with the traditional minga system, where members from each family volunteer to do a couple days of work for the common good.

However, in the eyes of Ascendant Copper Corporation, a Vancouver-based mining company traded on the Toronto Stock Exchange, Junín's wealth isn't in its people or its diverse ecosystem--it's in its rocks.

Junín's community reserve contains an estimated 2.26 million tons of copper. But this isn't a recent discovery. Bishimetals, a subsidiary of the Japanese-based Mitsubishi Corporation, tried to mine the area in the mid-1990s . The company even got as far as building a provisional mining camp. But local community members learned of the estimated environmental and social impacts of the proposed open pit mine, which included potential cyanide contamination of the local water supply, increase in crime, and the forced relocation of the area's residents.

The residents organized and educated each other in order to protect the community and their health. They tried to contact Bishimetals and express their lack of support for the project. But after being ignored repeatedly in their requests, the people of Junín burned down the provisional mining camp in May of 1997. The company left.

Today Ascendant Copper is trying to lay the groundwork for a mine and do what Bishimetals couldn't. Community support and preliminary exploration are needed before mining can occur. To win this support, Ascendant says they are "developing a strategic development plan for the communities in the area." They see Junín and its neighboring communities as poor, backwards areas whose only hope for salvation lies in foreign investment and mining.

Olga Cultid disagrees.

"They say we're in extreme poverty," said Olga, as she sat in Junín's ecotourism cabañas. "But it's a lie. I'm not rich, but I'm not lacking either."

One of the company's "development strategies" has been to buy people off--giving them jobs and handouts if they support the mine. Olga, whose son goes to school in the neighboring community of Garcia Moreno, was offered a bribe in exchange for her support of the mine.

"They offered to pay for transportation, lodging, everything for my son. They offered me a job as protector of the environment," she said.

But she refused. In her eyes it is more important that the community own its land and remain contamination-free for future generations. Those who support mining "don't think about our children," she says.

Ascendant's proposed mine, and the company's unscrupulous actions to gain "support" for it has been a very divisive force in the community, more so than any other local development project.

While Junín is steadfast in its opposition, the neighbouring town of Garcia Moreno by-and-large supports mining. Since Ascendant began working in the area, the relationship between the two communities has progressively worsened.

"We used to be like one big family, but now everything has changed," said Olga. "Now you can't go and have friendly conversation. It's not the same."

Relations between the towns have grown degenerated beyond lost friendship. On April 11, a mob of unruly pro-miners led by Ascendant's general manager stormed into the municipality's meeting hall, breaking windows and demanding an audience with the mayor.

Auki Tituaña, the mayor of Cotacachi County where Junín and Ascendant's mining concession lie, has come out publicly against the project. He said that Ascendant "is implementing policies designed to divide communities, through questionable promises [housing, roads, jobs, bridges, classrooms, etc.] intended to break the spirit of the courageous residents of Intag."

He also promised to "exhaust all avenues, regardless of the consequences, in the defense of our rights, which take precedence over the private interests of others [whose activities would lead] to the destruction of our natural wealth."

Residents of Garcia Moreno, who support such private interests, have also threatened to forcefully occupy Junín's community ecological reserve so that the company can do preliminary exploration and testing. Many anti-mining activists have also received death threats.

In addition, Ascendant hired Cesar Villacís Rueda, a former army general with deep ties to Ecuador's military intelligence who studied at the School of the Americas. The ex-general, who travels with an intimidating entourage of armed bodyguards, is handling "public relations" for the company.

While advocating development, Ascendant Copper's actions have left painful divisions between communities, friends, and even families. This is a far cry from the company's most esteemed corporate value: to "maintain the human factor as the most important issue in the development of any mining project."

Examples of divisive and destructive mining projects by transnational companies can be found all over Latin America. More can be expected. Due to all the metal needed to support China's rapid industrial expansion, in addition to the ravenous consumption needs of the United States and Europe, the value of resources such as copper has climbed rapidly. As the history of mining in Latin America suggests, companies like Ascendant will go to great lengths to capitalize on such an opportunity, even if it means tearing apart communities, contaminating the environment with poisonous chemicals and violating human rights.

But the presence of various mining companies hasn't been completely negative. It has spurred an organized and motivated resistance to mining, which is committed to finding alternative and sustainable economic development models for the area.

"If these companies had not come to take away our peace and tranquility, we'd never have organized ourselves," said Rosario Piedra.

Piedra helps administer the community eco-tourism project created to provide a sustainable and equitable alternative to mining. The eco-tourism program has been successful and benefits the entire community. Many people are involved with the regional ecological organization Defense and Conservation of Intag (DECOIN). DECOIN has been very active in its resistance to this unpopular and possibly illegal mining project and has been successful in fostering some international awareness and support. A program of international human rights observers has also been created to document events when things get hostile.

While Ascendant Copper benefits from a divide-and-conquer strategy, most in Junín understand that community is the real wealth in life. Rosario put it this way: "my friendships come first, so I'll never sell out."

Stuart Schussler visits the Ecuadorian community of Junín, where Vancouver-based Ascendant Copper has met with strong local opposition.

Dissatisfied Protesters in Ecuador Fear President is Turning Towards Dictatorship

Mon, 28 Feb 2005 21:30:05 +0000

Protests on January 26th and February 16th brought thousands of Ecuadorians to the streets of the capital Quito to express their dissatisfaction with government policies and to call for the resignation of President Lucio Gutierrez.

Two years ago, Gutierrez came to power on a promise to transfer power and wealth from Ecuador's "corrupt oligarchy" to the country's poor masses. Many compared his populist rhetoric to that of Venezuela's Hugo Chavez, yet as Duroyan Furtl of Green Left Weekly has pointed out, his actions in office have differed greatly from those of the Venezuelan president.

Unlike Chavez, Gutierrez has pursued American-friendly policies, such as support for the US Plan Colombia and the Iraq war, and he has recently received praise from IMF Managing Director Rodrigo de Rato for his government's economic austerity policies.

There is now a fear that Gutierrez is taking measures that are steering the country towards dictatorial rule. A December decision by the Ecuadorian Congress to follow through with a Gutierrez request to fire 27 of Ecuador's 31 Supreme Court judges was seen as a heavy handed tactic to punish judges that attempted to impeach the President for misuse of public funds.

The Special Rapporteur of the UN Commission of Human Rights Leandro Despouy called the action a "grave interference by the executive and legislative into the judicial sphere and hence a violation of the independence of the judiciary."

» Reuters: Thousands protest against Ecuador's president

» Znet: Ecuador: Gutierrez Under Threat

» UN News Centre: Concerned for juridical independence in Ecuador, UN legal expert seeks early visit

» IMF: IMF Managing Director Rodrigo de Rato's Statement at the Conclusion of his Visit to Ecuador