The Dominion - Privacy

Online Privacy and the Police

Tim McSorley — Fri, 23 Dec 2011 11:17:12 +0000

Tory government pulls controversial online security bills, but concerns remain

VICTORIA—It won’t be long before Canadian privacy laws regarding telecommunications come under attack again. These laws apply to technologies everyone relies on—from cell phones to the Internet. And as seen before, the federal government is likely to soon change them in a push towards facilitating online surveillance of individuals’ lives. If the government succeeds, it would mean online monitoring could be done without a warrant and other impingements on Canadians’ rights to privacy.

When parliament started with a Conservative majority in fall 2011, many privacy rights experts and advocated worried that the Conservative were going to push for “Lawful Access” measures in the Omnibus Crime Bill C-10. These measures, which failed to pass the last parliament, would change the rules around what the state can and cannot monitor. They’re designed to expedite the passing of a variety of laws, from raising mandatory minimum sentences, to harsher sentencing for young offenders, and even providing victims of terrorism the right to sue for compensation.

Canada’s Federal Privacy Commissioner, Jennifer Stoddart, supported by many Provincial Privacy Commissioners opposed the “Lawful Access” measures in an open letter, dated October 26, 2011, to the Deputy Minister of Public Safety, Mr. William V. Baker. After outlining how the new laws would “make it easier for the state to subject more individuals to surveillance and scrutiny,” Stoddart went on to point out that there is a lack of evidence to support those measures.

“At no time have Canadian authorities provided the public with any evidence or reasoning to suggest that CSIS or any other Canadian law enforcement agencies have been frustrated in the performance of their duties as a result of shortcomings attributable to current law, [telecommunications service providers] or the manner in which they operate,” she wrote.

Stoddart wasn’t alone in the mobilization against “Lawful Access”. Many NDP government critics penned letters condemning the proposed laws, and grassroots groups such as Openmedia.ca opened a petition, “Stop Online Spying”, that was signed by more than 70,000 Canadians.

The “Lawful Access” provisions, however, were in the end removed from the omnibus crime bill before it was formally tabled in September. But even though they aren’t currently up for consideration, many critics believe they will undoubtedly return to the table. Whether they are to be reintroduced with or without changes remains uncertain.

The “Lawful Access” measures were first introduced in the 40th parliament in November 2010 via three complimentary internet crime bills, designed to tighten governance of Canada’s cyberspace: Bill C-50, Improving Access to Investigative Tools for Serious Crimes Act; Bill C-51 Investigative Powers for the 21st Century Act; and Bill C-52, Investigating and Preventing Criminal Electronic Communications Act.

Looking at the bigger picture, the government was presenting each new item of Internet law as a stand-alone policy necessary to “modernize” telecommunications (ie, the Internet) in a bid to hide the interlocking nature of what is emerging: each new law, once passed, sets the stage for the next, facilitating unprecedented powers to implement mass online surveillance.

To begin, let’s look at some of the “modernization” items included in Bill C-51, The Investigative Powers for the 21st Century Act. Firstly, the bill has been crafted to take advantage of technological developments in order to extend surveillance powers. For example, if a warrant to secretly install a tracking device is obtained, this legislation “upgrades” its use to permit an officer to take advantage of the tracking capabilities installed in some cell phones and vehicles by allowing their remote activation. Then, there are changes in terminology within existing laws, such as the replacement of out-dated vocabulary like “telephone” and “pager” with an umbrella term, “telecommunication device.” The new term is intended to be vague enough to include current and future technological developments, covering all possibilities of surveillance in ways never imagined before the technology came along and anticipating the seamless integration of ever newer and more robust capabilities.

Reflecting the desire of authorities to have the ability to track and contain information in a timely fashion, C-51 also includes new data retention and retrieval powers in the form of Preservation Demands and Preservation Orders directed at Telecommunications Service Providers (TSPs). Preservation Demands may be made by police officers, and judges authorize Preservation Orders. The purpose of both Preservation Demands and Orders is temporary: to preserve data on file to ensure it is not deleted or altered while waiting for a search warrant or a Production Order, which is yet another new tool.

Production Orders are like search warrants, but instead of requiring officers to physically search and seize equipment and data, the individual or business entity on the receiving end of a Production Order must obtain and deliver the requested information to the authorities. The information obtained in a Production Order, is historical, which includes anything the TSP has available in data storage at the time. However, requests for “real-time” data, in other words, information that can be captured or recorded as events unfold, do require a warrant. Furthermore, in an aside comment in the legislative summary, Production Orders are viewed as tools specifically designed to obtain information from other countries, which indicates reciprocal agreements between countries are in effect.

Moving on, one of the main concerns around Bill C-52 is the legitimization of warrantless wiretapping. This is the concern of Bill C-52, which concentrates on TSPs obligations to upgrade and retrofit infrastructure to enable data reporting to policing authorities. The bill provides extensive lists of fines and punishments if TSPs do not comply. The most invasive point of compliance in the proposed legislation is the creation of a new class of authorities, to whom the TSPs must supply information. The Commissioner of the RCMP, the Director of CISIS, the Commissioner of Competition, and any head of a police force constituted under the laws of a province may appoint such individuals who are “designated” to ask for such information, but the number of officers authorized with these new powers cannot total more than 5% of a policing agency. Interestingly, C-52 also establishes a new class of administrator whose role is to verify whether the TSPs have complied with the Act: they can test, investigate, search, examine, and print or reproduce any information at any telecommunications facility, all without a warrant, except when the facility is located in a personal residence.

If Bill C-52 becomes legal reality, TSPs have 18 months to fulfill their obligations and install the appropriate software to facilitate these measures and must submit a status report outlining their progress within the first 30 days. Smaller service providers (less than 100,000 subscribers) need only provide a physical access point to conduct interceptions. In the past, opponents to “Lawful Access,” speculated costly upgrades Canadian TSPs will have to undergo to enable their transformation into surveillance state tools might derail the legislation, but Bill C-52 stipulates government assistance will be provided to help integrate surveillance technology for newly “deputized” TSPs.

In anticipation of the government’s current move, Canadian TSPs actually began writing into their service agreements the right to disclose customer information, should they be required by law to do so, as early as 2006. Indeed, elements of “Lawful Access-like” cyber-legislation already exist in current copyright and privacy bills.

Recently, at a September 2011 press conference announcing Bill C-11 (previously Bill C-32), The Copyright Modernization Act, evidence of the current capacity to retain users’ data and identify content was offered by Bell Canada representatives, who discussed past incidents of having to turn over some of their customers’ IP addresses to investigators.

In the same month, Bell Canada, Videotron, and Cogeco were hit with a court order to provide the IP addresses of customers who had violated copyright by downloading pirated copies of The Hurt Locker. The movie was released a year ago, in October 2010, and the first American copyright court cases emerged last May, with Canadian court orders served in September. Whether Bell is capable of retaining its users’ data for the entire year the movie was available, or if limited storage capacities affected the amount of data they have on their users, is unclear. What is certain is that changes to Canada’s copyright laws will undoubtedly benefit from the pending expansion of online investigative capacities.

Another “Lawful Access” puzzle piece has recently turned up in the form of an amendment to a law originally written to protect the online privacy of business transactions, The Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act (PIPEDA), passed in 2000. The proposed amendment has been compared to the U.S. Patriot Act. It allows companies, of their own volition, to hand over personal files to the authorities without a warrant and, if the authorities deem it necessary, they may also be required to sign a non-disclosure agreement to keep the individual in question in the dark.The specific circumstances under which some companies may consider it necessary to hand over personal information is unclear, but presumptions of illegal behaviour are undoubtedly a factor.

The range of bills by which personal information can be disclosed without judicial oversight demonstrates an alarming trend in the government’s disrespect for privacy standards. Critics need to expand the parameters of analysis to reveal the larger pattern, but targeting the re-introduction of Bills C-51 and 52 is a start. As Lindsay Pinto, spokesperson with Openmedia.ca reflects, “Public pressure knocked online spying out of the omnibus though, and it seems to be delaying the release of the bills—we at OpenMedia.ca are still confident that Canadians can convince [Public Safety Minister] Toews to do the right thing and adjust the legislation to include comprehensive internal controls, clear oversight from the courts, meaningful deterrents, and a system of enforcement.”

Kimberly Croswell is a freelancer who lives on
traditional Lekwungen Territory in in Victoria, BC. Questions? Comments? Drop us a line: info@mediacoop.ca.

online spying

Smile, Vancouver!

dawn — Sun, 21 Feb 2010 10:00:23 +0000

Nearly 1,000 new surveillance cameras are here to stay

VANCOUVER—When the last of the Olympic athletes ski, skate and slide out of town, Vancouverites will be left with an unexpected legacy: 970 cameras.

“Security investment always leaves a good legacy of security for the country,” International Olympic Committee President Jacques Rogge told media gathered last February in Whistler, marking the one year countdown to the Games.

The security bill for the Olympics is expected to reach the $1 billion mark. A March 2009 Vancouver city report includes the total cost of installing Closed Circuit Television (CCTV) systems. The Vancouver 2010-Integrated Security Unit (V2010-ISU) will pay $2.1 million, in addition to the $435,000 the province is contributing. But all costs do not appear on the balance sheet. There are also social costs, such as the diminished personal privacy in public spaces.

In March 2009, Philip Boyle and Kevin Haggerty from the University of Alberta, published a report about surveillance and the Vancouver Olympics.

“Public officials occasionally use the pretext of the Olympics to introduce forms of surveillance that the public might oppose in any other context, capitalizing on the fact that in anticipation of the Games citizens tend to be more tolerant of intrusive security measures,” wrote Boyle and Haggerty in Privacy Games: The Vancouver Olympics, Privacy, and Surveillance.

The apparent acceptance of increased surveillance is something that requires a sober second thought, according to Adrienne Burk, professor in Sociology and Anthropology at Simon Fraser University.

“It’s important to ask ourselves what happens socially when we set up this kind of system of monitoring,” she told The Dominion. “Does the presence of cameras transmitting our images to unknown viewers help us know our neighbors better, or less well? Is there an increase in fear and suspicion, or in feelings of community and safety? We have to be careful when cameras are introduced for one reason, but left in place, or re-deployed for another, without these contextual conversations taking place.”

Although the Vancouver city report Privacy Games: The Vancouver Olympics, Privacy, and Surveillance points to the cruise ship terminal and entertainment district as key areas the cameras will be installed, the City of Vancouver and the V2010-ISU have not been specific regarding locations for all CCTV systems.

“Approximately 900 CCTV security cameras [have been] installed at venues for the Winter Games with another 50-70 CCTV security cameras installed in the urban domain," states the report. "The urban domain consists of areas where the public gather outside a venue,” reads the V2010-ISU's website.

The urban domains have been dubbed "Safe Assembly Areas" by the ISU. These are areas, also known as "Free Speech Zones," or "Protest Pens," where people are allowed to engage in lawful protest.

Minimal research has been conducted on the number of surveillance cameras that currently exist in the Downtown area. A collaborative effort between the Vancouver Public Space Network and the Simon Fraser University Surveillance Project aims to change that.

Late in August, volunteers set out to count and record the locations of cameras they could spot on city streets and alleyways.

“Surveillance cameras are distributed primarily in focused local areas or higher end shopping areas,” David Eby, Executive Director of BC Civil Liberties Association told The Dominion in a telephone interview.

Eby calls attention to the irony of the scenario of increased cameras in Vancouver. “You end up with a paradoxical situation where low income and middle income neighborhoods essentially, financially and logistically, facilitate the displacement of crime into their neighborhoods.”

People who are engaged in so-called “undesirable activities” such as panhandling in shopping districts like Robson Street or Gastown, may end up being displaced from public spaces as a result of security cameras that business owners argue are necessary in order to increase consumer confidence.

BC Civil Liberties has received confirmation from the ISU that no new cameras will be installed in the Downtown Eastside, an area of Vancouver that is the poorest off-reserve postal code in Canada.

The Carnegie Community Action Project (CCAP) identified some of the the problems with CCTV back in 1999 when it challenged the VPD’s efforts to install cameras in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside.

“Cameras do not provide employment or housing opportunities... Rather than targeting business-operators or landlords who take advantage of poverty and addictions, [the use of CCTV] focuses on the behavior of those individuals who do not fit the expectations or mores of the camera monitors,” their report states.

Ten years later, the CCAP report is still relevant to the concerns about the social costs of these cameras in the context of the Olympics and the Downtown Eastside.

Andrew Pask, director of the Vancouver Public Space Network, cautions that CCTV cameras should only be seen as a “tool of last resort.”

The pattern of Olympic cities, including Athens, Turin, and Beijing, has been to retain surveillance cameras after the Games.

The City of Vancouver has admitted the $435,000 worth of cameras will not be temporary, but part of a “redeployable unit.”

“You know, witnessing has always been a fundamental aspect of democracy, involving actors, observers, and recording of incidents,” professor Burk indicates.

“But cameras complicate that relationship, because the viewers and actors can be removed from each other, and recordings substantively altered," she said, arguing for a public debate before more cameras are installed.

Francesca Galasso is a 4th-year sociology student at Simon Fraser University. She lives in Vancouver.

For up-to-the-minute Olympics resistance coverage, check out the Vancouver Media Co-op, and the Convergence website. Follow the VMC on twitter!

surveillance stencil

Adbusters: the Digital Pitch, by Sean Condon

Stefan Christoff — Thu, 06 Dec 2007 14:57:13 +0000

75xDigitalPitch.jpg

Full Article at Adbusters Magazine.

Despite the privacy invasions and wrongful imprisonments in the Minority Report, the most disturbing scene in the futuristic thriller is the interactive hologram advertisements that read people’s emotions and call out to them by their name. While Philip K. Dick’s vision of a wayward security state still lies in the realm of science fiction, the personalized ads were frighteningly real...