The Dominion - 9

International News for October

Tue, 21 Oct 2003 03:44:07 +0000

160,000 Climate Change Deaths Annually: Study

A study conducted by the World Health Organization and London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine estimated that climate change is responsible for 160,000 deaths per year, mostly as a result of side effects like malaria to malnutrition. Floods, droughts, and warmer weather are among the destructive forces that lead to increased sickness and lack of food. Researchers said that the climate change causes the most damage to children in developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Central America.

The report noted that the estimate could double as soon as 2020.

Most scientists have long agreed that average global temperatures are rising, leading to more extreme weather patterns. Recently, research has increasingly determined that natural cycles of warming cannot account for increases in this century, and that humanity's contribution plays a major role.

» Reuters: 160,000 Said Dying Yearly from Global Warming

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Bolivian Farmers and Poor Stage Blockades, Protests

A Bolivian soldier fires at a crowd in El Alto, Bolivia. Over 70 civilians have been killed during the nationwide revolt. Indymedia Bolivia

A plan eliminate cocaine production, conflicts over natural resources and widespread poverty have sparked nationwide protests and blockades in Bolivia. The Bolivian government has responded with military force to break up blockades, using tear gas and snipers. Over 70 civilians were killed, and hundreds injured.

"These bases were never debated in the Bolivian Congress or by the Bolivian people," said one human rights observer. Also at issue is a government plan to sell natural gas to the US, which protesters say would benefit foreigners instead of being used to address the country's crippling poverty.

Bolivian farmers say they grow coca because they cannot compete with subsidized agriculture from the US and richer neighbours. Previous Bolivian governments have used the military to destroy the majority of the country's coca plantations.

Over 70 per cent of Bolivia's population lives in poverty.

» The Democracy Center: US Drug War At Center Stage In Renewed Bolivian Violence (2000)

» Reuters: Bolivia Sends Troops to Quell Protests, 5 Dead

» Reuters: Tanks shield Bolivia president from growing revolt

» InterPress: Poverty in Bolivia to Stay for Generations

» Americas.org: Bolivia, the Drug War, and a Leaf

» Media Awareness Project: Bolivia: Drug War Casualties

» Common Dreams: Bolivia in Crisis over Plan to Export Natural Gas to US

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Israeli Opposition, Arafat Agree on Unofficial Peace Plan

In a conference sponsored by the Swiss government, several members of the Israeli opposition Labour party and the Palestinian authority have agreed to a peace plan known as the Geneva Accord. The plan includes the dismantling of most Israeli settlements in the West Bank, the creation of a Palestinian State roughly within pre-1967 borders. The agreement also gives Israel control over which Palestinian refugees can return to their former homes in what is now Israel.

Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon dismissed the agreement as illegitimate. "By what right are left-wing people proposing moves that Israel can never do, nor will ever do?" The US State Department was not involved, but emphasized that its own road map as the way to achieve peace.

» Independent: After three years of carnage, does this secret plan provide a new road to peace in the Middle East?

» Ha'aretz: US Not Involved in Geneva Accords

» AP: Arafat, Peres support unofficial Israeli-Palestinian peace treaty

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Small Arms End a Life Every Minute: Amnesty Int'l

Armed with facts, a group led by Amnesty International, Oxfam, and others is making the case for an international treaty regulating international trade in small arms. In a recent press conference, the group aimed to show that widespread availability of inexpensive guns in developing countries has transformed daily life and made brutal repression and pointless civil wars possible in developing countries.

While an estimated 639 million small arms exist, two thirds of which are privately owned, an additional eight million are sold each year. In 2001, 16 billion units of ammunition were produced: more than enough to shoot the world's population twice.

Since September 11, US arms exports and military aid to other countries has rapidly increased. Foreign military financing rose from $3.56 billion in 2001 to $4.1 billion in 2003, while economic support fell by $20 million. Amnesty and other groups have expressed concern over military aid to countries like Pakistan and Uzbekistan, known for poor human rights records.

"There is a compelling legal basis for this treaty and the moral case is overwhelming," an Amnesty International representative said.

» Independent: One death a minute: toll of the booming arms trade

» Foreign Policy in Focus: Post-9/11 Economic Windfalls for Arms Manufacturers

» Federation of American Scientists: U.S. Policy on Small/Light Arms Exports

» Arms Trade Resource Center: Increases in Military Spending and Security Assistance Since 9/11

Canadian Government Maintains Secret Detentions

Tue, 21 Oct 2003 03:23:25 +0000

by Daron Letts

Families in Montreal spoke out against secret trials and racial profiling during July's No One Is Illegal march. Daron Letts/The Dominion

The federal government is holding five men on "Security Certificates," devices developed in 1992 through which CSIS can argue for the "removal" of permanent residents and foreign nationals based on "national security" concerns.

Mahmoud Jaballah (held since August 2001), Mohammad Mahjoub (held since June, 2000), Mohamed Harkat (held since December, 2002) , Adil Charkaoui (held since May) and Hassan Almrei (held since October, 2001) are being incarcerated indefinitely without bail in Canadian prisons.

The Certificates are signed by Solicitor General Wayne Easter and Minister of Citizenship Denis Coderre, and are issued under the new Immigration and Refugee Protection Act.

The process involves either Easter or Coderre presenting all or part of CSIS' evidence to a Federal Court judge in the absence of the person named on the Certificate. The accused is permitted to present evidence and testimony in his defense, but he receives no disclosure of charges or evidence from the Crown. The court's decision cannot be appealed.

"This is not only about racial profiling," says Salam Elmenyawi, President of the Muslim Council of Montreal. "This is about fundamental justice and due process and it is about making sure that people will be treated equally under the law."

The Council recently launched a constitutional challenge in response to the detention of Charkoui.

Elmanyawi says the organization will pursue the challenge to Federal Appeal Court, the Supreme Court and the United Nations if necessary. Whatever the outcome of the challenge, it will relate to existing and proposed Canadian legislation such as Bills C-36, C-35, C-18, C-17 and C-20, which share features in common with the suspension of due process permitted under the Security Certificate, but apply to all Canadian citizens.

"None of these men have ever asked people to judge them," Elmanyawi says. "All they've ever said is eif there's a case against us, bring it forward, let us answer it in open court, otherwise, release us, because this is a charade'."

In his capacity as General Counsel with the Canadian Muslim Civil Liberties Association, lawyer Faisal Kutty provides support for those who feel harassed by law enforcement. He receives a call every week or two from Arab or Muslim males who have been approached by CSIS or the RCMP. The surveillance and intimidation is creating stress, alienation and fear in the communities, particularly among recent immigrants.

Representatives of a Mosque contacted him when they started losing members and donations because CSIS and the RCMP questioned those frequenting the building. Elmanyawi and the executive of the Mosque contacted CSIS and offered to host a meeting between the board and CSIS representatives. They also offered to open their books and records for inspection, asking only that agents refrain from secretly approaching the families attending the Mosque. The Department of Justice responded in a letter that such a meeting was not necessary at present.

Advocates on the outside have also organized ongoing awareness-raising events, jail solidarity and court support over recent years, working alongside the family members of the five detained.

Hassan Almrei, a 29 year old Syrian Refugee among the five detainees, is being held in solitary confinement in Toronto's Metro West Detention Centre. He is in the third week of a hunger strike that presses for three demands:

1. A letter guaranteeing that the temperature in his concrete cell be monitored and kept at 22 degrees Celsius or above (the Ontario standard)

2. A sweater

3. Slippers

He lost 25 lbs since beginning the hunger strike and 110 lbs since entering solitary confinement almost two years ago. Now at 169 lbs, he refuses to eat because he does not want to suffer through another cold season without proper heating.

"That's the lay of the land right now," says Matthew Behrens, of Homes not Bombs and the Campaign to Stop Secret Trials in Canada. "We have to beg and lobby and fast and demonstrate for simple things, like having the heat turned on in a Canadian prison in winter."

Behrens points out that it is a violation of the United Nations Minimum Prison Standards for a prisoner to have shoes and a sweater withheld. The organizations he works with are planning a Halloween-themed protest at CSIS headquarters in Ottawa on October 31, with solidarity actions throughout the country.

Carleton University professor, Diana Ralph, is in the second week of a fast in solidarity with Almrei.

On the ninth day of her fast, Ralph, whose Jewish father was a lawyer at the Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunal, publicized a 1996 occurrence report from the Ministry of the Solicitor General and Correctional Services linking the severe cold at Metro West Detention Centre's concrete solitary confinement cells with the death of an inmate.

The document, written by a guard in the same facility that now holds Almrei, describes cell temperatures as low as 10 degrees Celsius, and suggests the installation of thermometers to maintain minimum temperatures.

Ralph has communicated regularly with Almrei since his June 24 bail hearing, at which she offered bail surety and other support. She says she plans to attend the October 31 action at CSIS headquarters dressed as a kangaroo.

"Anybody but Bush"

Tue, 21 Oct 2003 03:06:27 +0000

Canada-US relations and the next Presidential election

"Whenever there's a Republican administration in power it's more difficult for Canadian governments." photo: Fire Marshals Association

But is this realistic? Exactly how does the relationship between a Canadian Prime Minister and a US President affect Canada-US relations--and how might upcoming federal elections in both countries change the situation?

Canada-US relations since 2000

Further reading:

Prime ministers and presidents (CBC)

Martin likely shoo-in as next Prime Minister (Washington Times)

An American Take on Paul Martin (LA Times)

Dean honed his skills in Montreal

On the Issues (outlines each US candidate's policy positions)

Even before President George W. Bush finally declared victory in the last Presidential election, the Prime Minister's nephew, Raymond Chretien, stirred up controversy by making a speech that implied Democratic candidate Al Gore would be easier for Canada to work with. Historically, of course, Democratic US administrations generally are easier for Canadian governments to work with than Republican administrations. Lawrence Martin, Globe and Mail columnist and author of several books on Canada-US relations, puts it this way: "This is a problem that runs through our history with the US--whenever there's a Republican administration in power it is more difficult for Canadian governments, [and] particularly Liberal governments which are usually in power here, to have good relations because of the ideological divide--they're more right-wing and we don't tend to agree with them."

In hindsight, it seems Raymond Chretien was right about the difficulty of working with the Bush administration, even if it wasn't the time to say so. The Canada-US relationship has experienced twists, turns, and diplomatic tantrums since Bush's inauguration that read like a political soap opera.

Although Bush met with Prime Minister Chretien at the White House as his first state visit, Bush's own first visit to another country was to Mexico, raising a few allegations that Bush was more concerned with his southern neighbour than his northern one. After Sept. 11, President Bush neglected to mention Canada in a speech in which he thanked the nations that had helped the US after that tragedy. In 2002 Francois Ducros, an aide to Chretien, called Bush a moron in a private conversation that was quickly publicized. Coupled with a later remark by Carolyn Parrish about Americans being "bastards," charges of rampant anti-Americanism in Canada became common.

But the real drama came when Canada decided not to join the war on Iraq. US Ambassador to Canada Paul Cellucci responded by saying that the US was "disappointed" and that it was causing a "bump in relations"--comments which raised calls among MPs to send Cellucci back to the US, and calls from the business community and much of the media to make more concessions to US demands.

"The print media has certainly become more pro-American and more right-wing, and so there's greater media pressure on Canadian governments to get along with the US and to favour US policies like the Iraq war."
-Lawrence Martin

More indications of strain came when President Bush cancelled a state visit to Ottawa last spring three weeks before the appointed date--the diplomatic equivalent of storming out of a room and slamming the door, given that such visits take months to plan. In June, speaking to reporters on a plane, Prime Minister Chretien candidly criticized the huge deficit the US administration has incurred since Bush's inauguration. It's little surprise that the President has yet to invite Jean Chretien to his ranch in Crawford, Texas.

But have these tensions been due to a personal disconnect between Bush and Chretien, or ideological tensions between the US and Canada? If the disconnect is personal, then when Chretien leaves office conditions should improve. Canadian Ambassador to the US Michael Kergin has recently stated that he doesn't think it will make much difference in Canada-US relations if Paul Martin assumes the position of Prime Minister, because the relationship is "too important to be affected by any one person." Lawrence Martin believes that Kergin's opinion is "not entirely accurate." "I've done a book on the Presidents and the Prime Ministers and it's quite apparent that the personal rapport that they have or lack does cast a positive or negative tone over the relationship which is quite important," says Martin. "If you look at MacKenzie King and Franklin Roosevelt, for example, they worked out agreements on a piece of paper between one another and that type of thing. If you have a high level of communication that spirit gets channeled down through the system and [the countries] work in a more cooperative vein."

However, that doesn't mean that the current lack of rapport is due to a conflict between individual personalities. Colin Campbell is chair of Canada's first US studies program at UBC and author of several books on US presidential politics. According to Campbell, "That [the rocky relationship between Chretien and Bush] is really in many respects more symptomatic of the tensions than the source of the tensions. The fact of the matter is that unless you want to be a poodle to the [Bush] administration like Tony Blair, you're going to have difficulties with it."

Lawrence Martin points out that tensions have actually abated somewhat now despite Chretien still being in office. "I think the war increased the intensity of the dialogue and the criticism of Canadian policy vis-a-vis the Americans," Martin opines. "But I think that...the Canadian government's position has been looking more and more vindicated because of the failure to find weapons of mass destruction and because the aftermath of the war is not going well." Martin has a point--it's been a while, after all, since the US Ambassador to Canada has had anything negative to say about Canada. In fact, Cellucci most recently remarked that Canada had "stepped up to the plate" in Afghanistan and that relations were running smoothly once again.

Essentially, then, the tension between Canada and the US has been less about personal differences between leaders and more about working with a US administration that is unilateralist and demanding. But that still leaves the question of where prime-minister-in-waiting Paul Martin fits into the equation.

Paul Martin

Paul Martin is almost certainly going to win the November Liberal leadership convention, meaning that he will automatically become Prime Minister as soon as Chretien steps down, in February or possibly earlier.

Martin will likely call an election some time after assuming leadership of the country. When that election will be is still uncertain, but it will be before the next US election. So whether or not they both win the next federal elections in 2004, there will be an as-yet-unspecified period of time where Paul Martin is Prime Minister and President Bush is President. The two might meet as soon as January when both could find themselves at the Summit of the Americas in Mexico--if Chretien has stepped down by then. Roger Noriega, head of the US State department's bureau of Western Hemispheric Affairs, has already suggested a quick meeting between representatives of both leaders once a new prime minister is sworn in would be wise.

Martin is more conservative than many Liberals have been in the past and may actually relate fairly well to even a Republican administration. US opinions on Martin thus far have generally been favourable. The Washington Times called Paul Martin "an outspoken advocate for mending ties with the United States" in July. A Los Angeles Times editorial reprinted by the Toronto Star commented approvingly on Martin's fiscal policies and noted that "Before a recent major address, Martin also had a courtesy visit with US ambassador Paul Cellucci, an action that would not be Chretien's first instinct." Roger Noriega, who was appointed to the head of the US State Department's bureau of Western Hemispheric Affairs by President Bush himself, has expressed pleasure with a foreign policy speech Martin gave April 30, 2003 to a Canadian Press dinner. During the speech Martin stated that "What we must do is to pursue continuously a systematic and coordinated effort to confirm and strengthen the Canada-US partnership." Noriega responded that "these views reflected a healthy appreciation for the relationship. We would look forward to working with the next government team."

"If [getting along] means you simply give in to the policy directions of the Bush administration, it means you will be abandoning a number of very vital Canadian interests."
-Lloyd Axeworthy

Lawrence Martin muses, "I think that Paul Martin wants to create a more harmonious relationship with the White House. He is more of a business Liberal to begin with and will be viewed by the US administration in a more positive vein. Not to the extent that Brian Mulroney was, but as a former businessman he is more in synch with Republicans."

Some warn, however, that this may mean making some concessions to America, and potentially adopting more Americanized public policies. Speaking about the missile defence to the Canadian Press, former minister of foreign affairs Lloyd Axworthy said on Oct. 11 that "They (Martin's advisors) want to have a better relationship and no one argues with that in theory... [but] what do you do to get it?... And if it means you simply give in to the policy directions of the Bush administration, it means you will be abandoning a number of very vital Canadian interests."

But both Lawrence Martin and Colin Campbell feel that Paul Martin is unlikely to get too close to the Bush administration. "I don't see him rushing in to a warm relationship with Bush the way things are going for Bush right now, but I do see Paul Martin as wanting to improve the rapport, improve the level of dialogue, increase the security of trade across the border. He might do something to follow up on free trade and NAFTA agreements, to enhance them in some way," says Lawrence Martin. "Looking at the polls Paul Martin and his people realize that by and large Canadians supported Mr. Chretien's position on the war and are supporting it in increasing numbers--and they are seeing that the popularity of the Bush administration is diminishing. Therefore for Paul Martin to try and bring in a new American policy at this time would not be wise. He will wait for the American election next November to see what happens." Colin Campbell basically concurs. "The difficulty with Martin is that he tends not to want to be in conflict with people, so he's going to try to go along with Bush on a lot of things. But ultimately he's going to take a lot of heat, particularly since he's from the Liberal party and not from the Progressive Conservatives like Brian Mulroney. He's got to remember the preferences of his core constituency so he has, I think, limited maneuverability."

Campbell also notes that a Prime Minister doesn't necessarily have to give in to US demands in order to have good relations. "I don't think that with this particular administration you could ever have a smooth relationship because they are so xenophobic that it would never resolve the issues pending," he says. "But...I think that you can have exceedingly harmonious relations and not be making concessions of any great note that would in any way compromise Canadian sovereignty and values."

Of course, that depends on what sort of administration will have power after the next presidential election.

The US Election

It may seem a long way off to many Americans, considering that they have to endure twenty-two months of campaigning versus the much shorter Canadian campaign periods, but the next federal US election is getting close. It's scheduled for Nov. 2, 2004, with the newly elected or newly re-elected President to be inaugurated on January 20, 2005.

The field of contenders to Bush's re-election plans is large, but of those a few names stand out. Democratic candidate Howard Dean has created a considerable amount of excitement through his very effective use of the internet. And General Wesley Clark has stirred both excitement and controversy since entering the race at with the support of filmmaker Michael Moore (Bowling for Columbine) and his considerable number of supporters, who billed Clark as an antiwar candidate despite his military background and inconsistent positions on the Iraq war.

On Bush, Campbell and Martin are in agreement--he needs to go. "George W. Bush doesn't really have anything in common with this country, being a Texan, and it's more difficult for him...his list of priorities is so long," says Martin. Campbell is to the point: "Even another Republican would be probably a lot easier to work with than George W. Bush."

"The fact of the matter is that unless you want to be a poodle to the [Bush] administration like Tony Blair, you're going to have difficulties with it."
-Colin Campblell

So what of the Democratic candidates? "The field is so large and I don't see that any of them would be antagonistic toward Canada. Virtually anybody... would be better than what we have now," says Campbell.

As for what characteristics would make the best President from Canada's point of view, Campbell points towards respect. "I think the critical thing is just respect for the fact that Canada is a sovereign nation and is going to have different sets of policy preferences from those which prevail in the United States... I think that that's not sufficiently understood by the current administration."

Martin places more of a priority on knowledge. "A familiarity with Canada, the Canadian system and the way it works here, and Canadian sensitivities is very important. If you look at Roosevelt he used to spend his summer holidays... near New Brunswick in Canada. He had a deep familiarity with Canada and it really showed in his relationship with the country."

If we're judging by Martin's criteria, Howard Dean emerges as a clear favourite. Not only does he represent a state which borders Canada, the Montreal Gazette reported that Dean got his political start by appearing on the Canadian show "The Editors" and discussing politics. Those who worked with him at the time have commented on his deep understanding of Canada and Canadian issues.

Campbell notes that "He obviously has a certain resonance with the more liberal wing of the Democratic party and I would be sympathetic towards him. He seems to be exceedingly good at raising money and... attracting appeal even outside of the groups which ideologically would find him most attractive. But there are a lot of pluses with Wesley Clark too so I'm not strong in my preference there."

As for what those pluses are, Campbell points towards Clark's military background. "Wesley Clark is going to be a pretty tough opponent for George W Bush, particularly the deeper [they] get into the difficulties with the Iraq war. He could perform the function of say, Eisenhower in '52--basically saying 'it's time for the US to get out of this quagmire and I know how to do this.' That was clearly a very important dimension to Eisenhower's appeal in '52."

Whether a new version of Eisenhower appeals to everyone is up for debate, however. Clark's military background is a red flag to many of the people who participated in the peace movement--some even consider him a war criminal for his actions in Kosovo. Nor has Clark been consistent when explaining his position on the Iraq war. Both of these factors have led to some intense criticism of Michael Moore for his support of Clark, as well as criticism of Clark himself, especially in the left and alternative media both in the US and Canada.

However, it may not matter much if it's Clark, Dean, or someone else who replaces Bush. Lawrence Martin points out "Canadians have to accept the reality that basically an American president has far more important things on his plate than to deal with Canadian issues as a top priority, and I think most Canadians have come to realize that. That's not to say the Presidents have been ignorant of Canadian issues. But there was that one incident where Lester Pearson was visiting [President] Eisenhower (this was while Pearson was external affairs minister). Pearson had some pressing Canadian issue to discuss with the President and he quickly discovered that Eisenhower hadn't even heard about what he was talking about. Eisenhower was known as the great golfing President and he'd golf almost every day of the week--so Pearson came out of the White House muttering to his aid that 'You'd think his caddy would have mentioned it to him.' That is an illustration of the type of difficulties that Canadian leaders face in trying to make Presidents know what's going on up here."

Pressure from a pro-US media

One of the most important factors affecting Canada-US relations may not be the leaders of the two countries at all, but rather a new source of pressure to get along. Where is this pressure coming from? Canada's own media. "The print media has certainly become more pro-American and more right-wing, and so there's greater media pressure on Canadian governments to get along with the US and to favour US policies like the Iraq war," says Martin. "[Prior to the Iraq war] there was this disconnect between the media and the Canadian population where polls were showing Canadians were saying no, not unless the UN approves [the war] while the editorial positions of the papers were pro-war. So this is a new dynamic in the country--the trend of the media. And let's face it, Prime Ministers pay attention to what the media is saying because it creates a lot of pressure."

In the end, then, it may be up to the alternative media and grassroots efforts like the Dominion to carry the torch for Canadian sovereignty and balance out the push to concede to US demands. Canada-US relations may not be the better for it, but Canada itself likely will be.

Canada-US relations and the next Presidential election

The relationship between Canada and the US has been rocky since George W. Bush took office. Some have blamed this on a personal disconnect between Jean Chretien and President Bush. For example, in March 2003 Liberal MP David Pratt said "I don't think things will change until our leadership changes"--i.e., when Chretien leaves office. Many pundits and politicians agree with Mr. Pratt.

But is this realistic? Exactly how does the relationship between a Canadian Prime Minister and a US President affect Canada-US relations--and how might upcoming federal elections in both countries change the situation?

- by Susan Thompson -

Snapshot of an Occupied Land

Tue, 21 Oct 2003 02:41:42 +0000

Jenin is well known as the fiercest centre of resistance in the West Bank, but it is difficult to see how shooting children regularly and enforcing a suffocating and unrelenting curfew day after day eases that resistance. Intuitively, it seems obvious that such actions only serve to entrench it.

An Israeli armoured personnel carrier sprays smoke and machine gun fire while enforcing a 24-hour curfew in Jenin. photo: Valerie Zink/FromOccupiedPalestine.org

The standard justification - though, of course, one is never necessary for Israel, which has a green light from the Americans and a slovenly silence from the "international community" - is the suicide bombings.

The most recent bombing, in Haifa (where from, incidentally, almost all of this refugee camp was once expelled), was carried out on October fourth by a 27 year-old woman who was a lawyer from Jenin. Perhaps this reasoning works for the eight days of curfew so far in October, but what of the 21 days in September?

"It is the subtle forms of resistance, what the rest of the world might call 'life', that seem to be occupying the overwhelming majority of the Israeli military's time and budget."

I spoke with a civil engineer working on the UNRWA Jenin Camp Rehabilitation Project the other day. The night before our meeting the army burst into his home and told his father that they were taking one of the men in the family. None of them had links to resistance groups, there was no particular reason, no particular target - just one man, aged 18-35 in the home. It was his father's choice, the soldier said, "or else I choose."

The UN engineer explained the army's rationale with a story of his own arbitrary arrest several months earlier. He was manacled, blindfolded, held on his knees for hours, beaten, and taken to the infamous Salem prison where he stayed for eleven days without charge or defence. "They want us only because we are from Jenin. That's all. They even tell us this."

Yet, after almost two weeks of being constantly on the streets photographing, I have still not seen a single Palestinian gunman. Rather, it is the subtle forms of resistance, what the rest of the world might call "life," that seem to be occupying the overwhelming majority of the Israeli military's time and budget.

During the first few days of curfew, the city looked like a ghost town, the population holed up under collective house arrest. But the last few days have seen more and more people moving about.

On the main street, coffee vendors and vegetable carts have begun to reappear and people are emerging from their homes to get food and medicine, drink coffee, and just sit on the sidewalks and talk. Shops are opening one fold of their steel doors to allow a slim entrance, and a small market has even established itself less than twenty feet from the central site of the stone throwing and machine gunning.

In response, the tanks are now enforcing the curfew steadily all day, circling the city, passing up and down the main street firing their machine guns, tearing up the boulevards and spraying the sidewalks and homes with a thick diesel smokescreen that leaves the midday sunshine looking like the densest of maritime fog, taking several minutes to clear.

Before the tanks reach the main street, someone will come running up the road yelling "they're coming!" and the shopkeepers quickly seal their steel doors, the adults scurry down the alleys leaving their coffee cups where they were, the photographers get in position and the children prepare their stones.

The tanks pass, shooting hundreds of rounds and spraying clouds of smoke as the children heave their stones - while some play a terrifying game where they mount the back of the tank and ride the enormous death machine in a way that leaves them oddly untouchable since the mounted gun cannot shoot down at itself.

By the time the clouds of smoke have cleared, the men are back in their seats drinking their coffee, the stores have opened the one fold of their steel doors and the children are crowding around the Palestinian photographers to see if their picture will be sent around the world by the Agence France Press or Associated Press. And so it goes, hour after hour.

Jon Elmer of From Occupied Palestine.org reports on curfew enforcement in the West Bank town of Jenin.

Mail Order Tielli: Infinite Joy from a Subscriber's Perspective

Tue, 21 Oct 2003 02:21:14 +0000

It was a chance I was happily willing to take. Apparently, so the story goes, Martin Tielli's close friends and acquaintances assured him that one cannot simply unload four albums of music on the listening public in one skull-cracking whump. Thus, it was decided to bleed out this music one record at a time. To help finance the project up front, subscriptions were sold; each subscriber would receive four albums over the course of one year. The project would be named Tielli 2003: a fitting tag for what looked to be an epic undertaking. Having waited three months past the estimated time of arrival and having received many e-mails of assurance from Six Shooter Records, I was very smug to discover a signed, numbered, editioned disc in my mailbox.

Tielli is best known for his perfect vocal and guitar caterwauling, and for song-writing with the Toronto rock group the Rheostatics. Two years ago, his eponymous first solo album -- commonly referred to as We didn't even suspect that he was the poppy salesman, or simply The Poppy Album -- was released and met with considered critical regard. Tielli has also made work with his other band, Nick Buzz. On this most recent outing, Tielli brought in the skills of, among others, Nick Buzz band mate Jon Goldsmith, who both produces and plays.

The track "Beauty On" opens the album with a throttled piano, foot stomping, and playful vocal acrobatics declaring "I hate you all/you smell like borrowed ideas". Apart from overt nods to some of Tielli's musical heroes, this album smells nothing of borrowed ideas. From start to finish, it must be one of the most peculiar, playful, cerebral, and highly individualistic records recently made.

The album plays like a journey. It is certainly not a concept album (perhaps a misleading and overused term to begin with), though there is something under the surface that does bring the word 'concept' to mind. This does not have to do with subject matter, though there are recurring themes, the most obvious of which is water. Half of the songs on the album use repeating water imagery: ocean, sea, rain, water, pools, shore, river, ice, Atlantic, waves, surf, meniscus--what a delight it is to hear the word 'meniscus' inconspicuously inserted into a song! Nor is there a particular musical theme. The path of the album is an emotional one. The first half plays with the logical up-and-down tempo and mood of a perfect mix tape, and has a somewhat jovial tone. After a decidedly funky interpretation of Smog's "Cold Blooded Old Times", the album takes on an intensely sombre feel. This section begins with "Winnipeg" and, with the cacophonous skronking of saxophones, comes whirling to a close with the end of the juggernaut "Ship of Fire". This song may have been written and performed with Neil Young smashing his guitar in the darker corners of Tielli's brain (certain images and guitar lines are almost certainly homage).

Operation Infinite Joy is meaty. It is not light fare. It cannot be played as background music, because it demands listening. There is not a random or accidental note to be found, but rather an intensity which suggests deliberation at every point of the writing, playing, and recording process. The music draws attention to itself in such a way as to be an exercise in hearing. It is a sprawling effort, accreting sound over sound in a choreography of instruments, thoughts, and voices that could only have been divined during all-nighters behind studio walls. However, the record is impressive not only for its sounds, but for the spaces and echoes between the sounds; a resonance is made from quiet and silence.

In a photocopied note accompanying the record, handwritten by Tielli to the subscriber, he states, "I apologize for the delay on this first offering but I figured that every bit better it could be--it would be." The selection and ordering of tracks was, apparently, a painstaking process. To the last minute, Tielli was creating reams of original artwork (he is also a strong visual artist) to accompany the music. The disc is presented beautifully in a blue and grey tin. When one creative mind declares authority over so many aspects of a production, disasters can abound. However, OIJ is strange and beautiful in its sound, its look, its intention. There is always a possibility that something so supremely individual will fall short in genuine quality, which this record does not. Tielli has obviously taken the necessary time to ensure that all aspects of this project are aesthetic. OIJ sets a high standard for what comes next--Arnold Schoenberg Berlin Cabaret, a four song, sixteen minute interpretation of some of Schoenberg's work with the said cabaret. More importantly, however, it sets a high standard for everything else that comes next.

* * *

The non-subscription version of Operation Infinite Joy is currently available in record stores. It comes in a regular cd jewel case and without the two bonus tracks which have been tacked on to the end of the subscription version.

Cheam People Shut Down Railway and Halt Logging

Tue, 21 Oct 2003 02:16:58 +0000

A saga of resistance

At about 4 pm on October 2nd two trucks pulled to a halt while straddling the railway tracks that bisect the Cheam Reserve. A small crowd, including members of the Cheam Nation and supporters from local communities, gathered around the trucks forming a human blockade against the trains. Earlier that day, elder and former Chief June Quipp had warned Canadian National Railways that trans-Canadian train travel would be halted, and that she was good on her word.

The blockade is the latest action in the Cheam's struggle for unceded territory that began with a protest fishery three years ago and continues today. This time, however, the blockade is about a new threat to the Cheam's land and way of life: the clearcutting of an old growth forest to make way for a ski development on their sacred mountains.

The Cheam Reserve is situated on the Fraser River close to Chilliwack, British Columbia. CN's mainline railway track bisects the Reserve, passing at some points within ten metres of houses. The ground shakes and conversations halt at least once an hour, as trains rumble past. The shrill whistle warns drivers at several crossings, one of which recently proved deadly for an elder with poor hearing. Many of the houses in the Reserve overlook the major employer, a garbage dump servicing the Chilliwack area.

Logging commenced several weeks ago in the Elk Creek Rainforest above the Reserve, the last old growth in the lower Fraser Valley. The sacred mountains are the site of a proposed Whistler-style mega development, to be operational for the 2010 Olympics. Resorts West, the developer, envisions twenty ski lifts on eight peaks, three resort villages, a golf course, retirement community, condos, and four hundred thousand annual visitors. A late elder's words convey the importance of the proposed site to the Cheam people: "the mountains are our leaders, the mountains are our idols, the mountains are our source of food, medicine and communication, a place for us to pray, and a place of teaching and learning."

Heidi Smith, a recent graduate from Ontario, has been living on the reserve for two months. "I have experienced every emotion in the past week. It makes me physically sick to see the lie I have been raised in. To me it seems so extreme, the police and the blockade, but to the people who live here it is nothing, it is what they live with."

Within four hours of the blockade's formation, thirty-two police officers had arrested seven people, breaking one person's arm and badly bruising a grandmother in the process. The blockade persisted until dark the next day, when a forty member tactical police team moved in with dogs, prison vans and a Supreme Court order to clear the tracks. A peaceful dispute resolution process resulted in the removal of the blockade in exchange for a meeting with the Minister of Forests the following day.

Elder June Quipp told the story of one young member of the band whom she had to convince to leave the train tracks after the blockade had ended. "It frightened me because probably both he and I would be killed if a train came. He had sacred items in the mountains and said that if the mountains are ruined, his spirit would be gone. He said that he may as well lie down and die. That is what a lot of people are thinking. I know I am."

Underlying the actions of the Cheam people is a deep conviction in their inherent right to traditional territories, stemming from use and possession of the land since time immemorial. Having never ceded their land, the Cheam demand a degree of consultation over their territory. According to elder June Quipp, that they are not heard is not for lack of trying. "We have tried negotiations, litigation and written notices, so far none of these tactics have worked. It does not matter what we say, governments, and big corporations go ahead and do what they want even if it means destroying someone else's life."

It is for this reason that the people of Cheam fall back on blockades: they are effective. The Minister of Forests, Mike de Jong, arrived the following day and listened to two hours of testimony from protesters, explaining why they believe the area should not be logged. He left the meeting without any conclusive plan but promised to take the issue to cabinet. Finding this vague commitment insufficient, a police negotiator secured a one-week grace period during which no logging would take place.

This lag in logging activity does not mean rest for the Cheam community however. The people of Cheam are planning to restrict access to others places of worship in the community, an action symbolic of the way in which their spiritual locations are treated.

As June Quip states. "so we are back to direct action. We have got a lot of sympathetic ears and supporters. We are really really busy."

October 20

Mon, 20 Oct 2003 20:12:32 +0000

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