The Dominion - Opinion

The Dark Knight Rises: Class War in the Dystopian Present

Miles — Wed, 25 Jul 2012 13:59:17 +0000

More than a movie review

This review only contains mild spoilers as it focuses on the political aspects of The Dark Knight Rises rather than plot per se.

TORONTO—The Dark Night Rises is a portrayal of a workers’ revolution from the perspective of the bourgeoisie. It is a profoundly authoritarian movie which includes severe criticisms of revolutionaries, but also liberal democracy, bourgeois charity, and the apathetic, ultimately offering a hopeless political vision that only the status quo is tenable and that one should look to one's own personal happiness.

Our first thought on leaving the theatre was, "What kind of society could produce a big-budget movie with such a completely hopeless message about the future of humanity and the inability of ‘the people’ to govern themselves?" Neither of us were able to remember a major motion picture made in our lifetimes that was as openly counter-revolutionary and reactionary as this one, though the politics of this movie are built up in the two earlier films of Christopher Nolan's Batman trilogy and simply culminate here.

It seems that this movie is able to be explicitly counter-revolutionary because revolution itself is beginning to come on the agenda in the advanced capitalist world for the first time since the 1970s. Science fiction has often shown resistance and rebellion to fascistic societies, but “Dark Knight Rises” actually defends the dystopian reality that it presents, a reality not far removed at all from our actual present.

There was a large and visible security presence at the Scotiabank theatre in Toronto where we saw the film on Friday night, and people in the line were half afraid/half joking of the possibility of copycat shootings. During the film both of us wondered what it had been like for those who were watching a Batman movie and suddenly find themselves in the midst of a meaningless terror assault for real.

The movie's plot seems to the result of mixing a topical Occupy theme with a Batman movie. Unfortunately, Batman is the worst possible hero to have in a movie about class war, being clearly on the side of the bourgeoisie capitalists, as well as only being capable of individual vigilantism rather than collective action.

It is interesting however, that the movie has a particular kind of class politics which still presents the bourgeoisie class as corrupt, effete and powerless to change society. Bruce Wayne expresses a severe critique of charity balls, and Wayne’s own foundation fails to ensure that the orphan boys in a home that he funds aren’t simply kicked out when they reach 16, abandoned to work in the literal underground with Bane’s army.

The bourgeoisie are also often ignorant of realpolitik, thinking that money or connections buy power, a mistake when faced with the brutal fighting power and impressive human leadership qualities of Bane, or the combination of complex individual manipulation, stealth and fighting ability displayed by Selina Kyle/Catwoman.

Lower class people are presented as having special powers due their impossibly tough upbringings and lives, which is true for both Kyle and Bane, as well as an honest cop who grew up in Bruce’s orphanage (Blake). The only way that Bruce Wayne/Batman can gain equal powers and be able to fight the lower classes on their own ground is in a sense to commit class suicide. He can only gain/regain his special fighting powers when he is in an underground middle eastern prison among the lowest of the low, just as in Batman Begins, the first movie of the trilogy.

Only after he has gone through this trial and suffering can he fight the lower class characters as an equal, by experiencing equal suffering and overcoming equal obstacles, even though he is still fighting for the interests of capital (although not financial capital—the movie makes a venture capital vs. financial leeches distinction that is playing out in critiques of Mitt Romney’s history at Bain Capital).

At times it was left very uncertain who we were supposed to be cheering for. When Bane and his cadre go after the Stock Exchange, it was clear that the sold-out crowd in the Toronto Scotiabank theatre was cheering for Bane. When a stock exchange capitalist pleaded to the cops that the thugs could destroy the economy and wipe out everyone’s savings, a Black cop tells the capitalist that he doesn’t care because he keeps his savings under his bed, and when another stock trader tells Bane that there is nothing to steal at the exchange, Bane replies, "Then what are you here for?"

Bane’s cadre are often disguised as (or are) service workers, construction workers, shoe shiners, maintenance people etc, heightening the class war aspect of the movie (Selina Kyle/Catwoman sneaks into Wayne’s mansion disguised as a catering worker). The crowd at our theatre also seemed onside with Bane’s terrorists (at least at first) when they set up a people’s court for trying finance capitalists for their crimes. The court was clearly set up to be unfair and arbitrary, but we wonder how the bourgeoisie think their own courts look like to us.

If it wasn’t for Bane’s nuclear bomb and his ultimate plan to destroy Gotham with it, which clearly makes him a terrorist bad guy, it seemed like most of the crowd would have been openly cheering for him. In fact, without the nuclear bomb, he would simply appear to be a very authoritarian communist who believes in revolution from above by a people’s army that somehow requires basically no ideological preparation of the populace, and who are just supposed to follow their lead.

In the context of the movie, this would actually make him appear to be the most sympathetic character, and to be the clear good guy, regardless of the problems with his authoritarianism. However, given his plan to blow up the city no matter what, Bane isn’t actually an authoritarian communist but actually a reactionary in disguise. The plot reveals that he doesn’t even really care about the revolution that he pretends to lead, as his only goal is to blow up Gotham City to fulfill the wishes of his old master in the League of Shadows, Ra’s al Ghul, who believed Gotham’s destruction would help to restore order and balance to a world corrupted by money and greed. The revolution is just a way to toy with the people by giving them false hope before their ultimate destruction.

This has an odd third-worldist element to it as well, with Gotham representing the heart of capitalist decadence and even the majority of its lower classes being totally corrupted by money and greed, with this imperialist metropolis being seen by Ra’s and Bane as beyond salvation and deserving of punishment. Many of Bane’s cadre are shown as foreign, perhaps Russian or Middle Eastern, thus contributing to the othering of terrorism and the third worldist vs. First World theme.

Catwoman/Selena is the only major Gothamite character we meet who is at all sympathetic to Bane’s revolutionary army; she is in an ambiguous middle position of despising the bourgeoisie, but only working with Bane to some extent out of fear. Bane is ultimately also a counter-revolutionary for whom the people’s courts and the redistribution of wealth is only a method of toying with the population of Gotham before he fulfils his plan to liquidate the city and its population.

The movie’s position on the police is particularly confused, reflecting a general confusion about the police in the real world, especially in the wake of the Occupy movement (are they part of the 99 per cent?). The Occupy sub-theme of the movie makes the presence of the police especially weird, as the creators of this film have generally given up on pretending that ‘Gotham’ is not New York, with New York subway signs and the like being plainly visible. So, given the role of the police in brutally repressing protests in New York and elsewhere, how then are we supposed to view a police protest in the movie where these same cops advance as protesters on Bane’s army as heroes representing the population?

This scene is also very weird to watch because of its complete lack of realism, as the NYPD would never stand up to an army of the kind Bane had assembled, unless they heavily outnumbered them and had superior weaponry, which did not seem to be a case in the film. In police actions generally, cops will try to protect their own safety first, and do not generally charge on small armies with AK-47s without having any shields or riot gear whatsoever, and will even run away when faced with unarmed protesters at the G20 or in the Quebec student strike.

However, the heroism the movie cops display in TDKR visually links them with working class demonstrators who take on the actual cops in real life. The deputy police commissioner even wears a gold braid reminiscent of the retired Philadelphia police captain Ray Lewis who took part in some Occupy protests. But anyone who has been to any protests in the past few years has seen charging police not as saviors but as attackers—during the movie it was at times unsure whose side we the audience were supposed to be on.

There were other contradictory portrayals of the police in the film: as incompetent stooges who refused to investigate anything that would make their statistics look bad; as goons who follow orders, blindly dooming civilians to their death; as brave representatives of the population; as keepers of vital secrets from the population in order to ensure long term incarceration without proper trial; and as representatives of the good people of Gotham. One cop decides to bury his uniform and hide with his family: this response is held up as cowardly despite the general message of the movie that the silent majority is what really represents "the people."

At the end of the film everything goes back to normal—Gotham normal anyway. Bourgeois charity ensures the orphans get a better orphanage, and the surviving characters retreat into family and their personal lives rather than trying to make any substantive difference. The silent majority gets their city back, having survived Bane’s attempted revolution through hiding in their homes, and Commissioner Gordon appears to be the most powerful surviving political figure and tries to rebuild the police force in order to guarantee stability. A secondary hero, the working class cop Blake, turns in his badge in frustration with the limitations of the police force to change society and act ethically.

Despite its reactionary politics, TDKR is a great summer blockbuster with interesting characters, a fairly complex plot and good special effects. The only other major problem is that the plot is a bit marred by trying to combine an Occupy theme with Bane’s plan to blow up Gotham, making this part of the story slightly bloated and more difficult to understand in terms of its logic (though still highly entertaining to watch as it plays out). The "fake" revolution is also often awesome to watch at times, especially in a big-budget movie on a big screen.

Ultimately, the movie seems to justify an authoritarian liberalism that is essentially anti-democratic and supportive of the status quo as the best of all possible worlds. We are supposed to trust a good progressive bourgeois like Bruce Wayne to look out for our interests as workers and even save us from our own revolutions as well as the limits of legal bourgeois democracy through their personal heroism and vigilantism.

Clearly, without these great bourgeois visionaries and benevolent protectors, we would all be lost. The political message of the movie is that we need progressive authoritarian leaders (some of whom work in secret) who will give us mild reforms towards a better life when we are ready, but that we should never attempt to take them for ourselves, as this will only result in tragedy.

Essentially, this is a kind of hopeless pro-Obama message considering the political context in which the film is being released, as the Democratic Party is supposed to represent the liberal, reforming wing of the bourgeoisie despite authoritarian and imperialist policies. The political messaging of this movie reflects the general confusion and hopelessness among liberals, and represents a failed attempt by the bourgeoisie to stabilize their ideological hegemony by discounting any positive possibilities for revolution.

Michael Romandel and Megan Kinch are members of the Toronto Media Co-op, where this movie review first appeared.

Batman versus Bane

Online Confidential

dawn — Wed, 12 Oct 2011 12:06:11 +0000

Free software project provides secure alternative to Skype

MONTREAL—Increasing awareness of state surveillance following the 2010 Olympics and the G20 summit last year has prompted greater scrutiny of the lack of privacy offered by most telephone and online communications.

Historically, there haven't been many easily accessible options to reliably provide secure voice communications. That situation changed dramatically in June of this year when a free software project called Jitsi was released, allowing the average computer user to reliably encrypt voice and video communications over the internet. In addition to the software, Jitsi has also released a service called jit.si that allows anyone to create free accounts using Jingle, an open internet communications protocol that is also used for Google Talk.

This combination of software and service provides a secure, accessible alternative to Skype—a corporation that has a history of collaborating with state surveillance. They have worked with the government of China to create a version of their software that tracks certain keywords that are sent in instant messages through the Skype network.

Skype advertises their calls as encrypted. But the security of their system can't be verified because it is proprietary, which means they won't publicly reveal how it works. This is not likely to change any time soon. In May of this year Skype was acquired by Microsoft, a company which is known for selling proprietary software with poor security, such as the Windows operating system.

As a free software project, the source code for Jitsi is available for anyone to examine and modify. This is especially important for programs that are providing security, because it allows for public review of the software to help find any flaws that may compromise the intended security features. Jitsi uses a standard real-time communication encryption system called ZRTP, which was first released in 2006 and has since been peer-reviewed by at least eight different cryptography research teams. This system is very easy to use. A call is made to someone else using the same system. Once the connection is established, a four-character code will appear on both ends of the conversation. If the people talking confirm that these two codes match, it indicates that there is no one listening in on the call.

Despite the strengths of ZRTP, there are always limitations to the security, whether for Jitsi or any other communications software. For example, there is a special kind of malware that can record a conversation directly from the audio input and output of a computer.

While Jitsi runs on Windows, Mac, and Linux, it is much easier for malware to infect a Windows operating system than the other two. Of course, if there is a listening device planted inside or near the computer that is being used, or if the person on the other end is not trustworthy, the security of the conversation is compromised no matter what operating system is being used.

Encryption of the content of a conversation is also limited because it will still be clear that a conversation has occurred, and under most circumstance it wouldn't be difficult to figure out who was on either end of the call. This information can be useful from a surveillance perspective for mapping social networks.

Currently, the US government already does this kind of traffic analysis for all of the phone calls that are made in the United States. Fortunately, it is possible to evade this kind of tracking by using anonymity software such as Tor, which can send your network traffic to a global network of computers in order to make it much more difficult to track your location and identity. It is possible to route Jitsi traffic through Tor, allowing for communication that is both anonymous and secure.

Currently Jitsi is only designed to work on computers, but a version for Android phones is under development. However, there are already secure communications options available for Android phones. A company called Whisper Systems has developed two apps for Android. One, called RedPhone, makes calls through a smart phone's data plan and encrypts them using ZRTP. The other is called TextSecure, and it encrypts text messages.

If smart phone and data plans become more affordable, these Android apps will become important tools for secure mobile phone communication. In the meantime, many people have access to computers, and Jitsi now provides a good way of using them to communicate securely.

Boskote does research and workshop facilitation on secure communication with ATS (Anarchistes pour des technologies solidaires/Anarchist Tech Support).

Encrypted talk

Water is All of Us

dawn — Wed, 24 Aug 2011 09:35:52 +0000

Report from the fifth annual Keepers of the Water gathering

LAC BROCHET, MANITOBA—Words flowed like water from Indigenous Elders gathered at the fifth annual Keepers of the Water gathering in Lac Brochet, Manitoba, this August.

The gathering of the Keepers—an organization made up of of First Nations, environmentalists, and concerned people who want to protect the Arctic Ocean drainage basin—was hosted by the Northlands Denesuline First Nation. It stressed the importance of unity and action to protect waters from being polluted and poisoned.

With a population of fewer than a thousand people, Lac Brochet can be reached only by airplane or by water, and a delegation from Hatchet Lake, SK, took four days to canoe to the gathering. There were also various scholars, representatives, and leaders, including MLA Gerard Jennissen, who said “Water is a horrible enemy but a great friend.” Throughout the gathering, participants shared their thoughts and knowledge about the preciousness of water and how it might be better protected from human destructiveness.

Sam Gargan, who is Grand Chief of the Dehcho in the Northwest Territories and a co-founder of the first Keepers of the Water gathering in 2006, explained how De means river, and Ne means land, together making the word Dene, which signifies how the Dene people are defined by their reciprocal relationship with land and water.

Gargan also described how “western” concepts of democracy are historically derived from Indigenous cultures, and discussed how a holistic relationship with the earth can lead to the protection of both the land’s surface and subsurface. At a time when mining threatens the long-term well-being of future generations in many places, Nahanni Park stands as an example to emulate. Part of the Dehcho people's traditional lands, Nahanni Park began as 4766 square kilometers in 1972, and has since expanded to roughly 28,000 square kilometers through the efforts of the Dehcho people in the NWT. The park draws its name from the South Nahanni River, which feeds Canada's longest river, called the Deh Cho by the Dene and also known as the Mackenzie River.

The defining question for the gathering was centred around asking what this generation wants to pass on to future generations.

The history of industrial mining has shown over and over again—from Uranium City in northern Saskatchewan to Navajo homelands in the US—that mining jobs are temporary but that pollution remains long after the mines have closed.

For this reason, sustainable economic models are urgently needed. These may range from solar and wind projects to the protection of caribou habitat, which is crucial for the survival of Indigenous communities. Caribou are a traditional and essential food source for these communities. The well-being of the caribou depends on clean, healthy watersheds and lands.

It is challenging to think of water not merely as an external object in need of protection, but as that which literally constitutes our bodies and also lives, as it constantly moves within and through us, linking us to the watersheds that we are part of. This kind of thinking is key to water stewardship. It is demonstrated by Cree Elder D’Arcy Linklater's comment that when he refers to the water, he does not merely mean rivers and lakes, but women themselves.

The passionate words of First Nations elders were complemented by visitors like Dr. Radha D’Souza, who drew connections between Indigenous peoples in Canada and the struggles of India’s 67 million Indigenous people. D'Souza gave an overview of shifts that have been happening at the United Nations, and asked a critical question: are we serving the economy or is the economy serving us?

She also noted that there is a serious tension between the language that exists in declarations and the way they are actually implemented, which can undermine or even nullify the goals and values of the declarations.

Robert Patrick from the University of Saskatchewan noted the inequities that continue for First Nations communities. For instance, they have a boil water advisory rate that is two-and-a-half times higher than in non-First Nations communities. Patrick observed that a number of reserves have the wrong technologies for the water issues they face, such as infrastructure that is often too high-energy or high-maintenance for the community’s needs.

Patrick noted that building small can lead to better living. He suggested that considering a community's proper scale in conjunction with a long-term view that anticipates the effects of climate change (such as drastic weather extremes, and more unpredictability in the amount and timing of rains) will more deeply connect human societies to mindful watershed protection.

When the Keepers first met in 2006, they drafted a declaration that continues to resonate strongly. It reads:

“Water is a sacred gift, an essential element that sustains and connects all life. It is not a commodity to be bought or sold. All people share an obligation to cooperate to ensure that water in all of its forms is protected and conserved with regard to the needs of all living things today and for future generations tomorrow.”

It was heartening to witness that the Keepers are staying on track, guided by the waterways themselves, navigating the many dangers that face us today.

Rita Wong is a poet who lives on the unceded Coast Salish lands also known as Vancouver.

Canoes on the Lake

Dene Drummers

Checking Militarism

Moira Peters — Mon, 21 Mar 2011 06:33:05 +0000

Public broadcaster giving airtime to war

SACKVILLE, NB—For years, Don Cherry has been using his segment after the first period of CBC's Saturday night hockey broadcasts to honour Canadian troops and actively promote Canada's military mission in Afghanistan. During Christmas 2010, Cherry visited military bases in Afghanistan and even launched a few weapons.

On January 8, 2011, a new group known as Hockey Fans for Peace protested outside Rogers Arena, home of the Vancouver Canucks. Fed up with Cherry's one-sided promotion of the war, they asked to debate Cherry during a live broadcast. (Many watchers of CBC News would agree that genuine debate on Afghanistan has been generally lacking.)

A former NHL coach, Cherry co-hosts "Coach's Corner" during the first intermission on CBC's weekly Hockey Night in Canada (HNIC) broadcast.

Cherry is well known as a right-wing, "pro-Canadian" who is skeptical of the value and work ethic of European hockey players, but he has increasingly used his platform to promote militarism and to support the small Canadian Army contingent that has been in Afghanistan since February 2002.

While this has nothing to do with hockey, CBC brass permit Cherry to promote Canada's military mission and "support the troops" on the national public broadcaster during hockey games. For Cherry, supporting the troops morphs into a call for the country to "stick with the mission" so their sacrifices will not be in vain. The CBC, in one of many signs of its fear of the Harper government, won't shut down Don Cherry’s militaristic rants or offer equal time to representatives of the majority of Canadians who disagree with him.

One of the most durable buttresses of militarism is found in the world of sport, and advocates like Don Cherry and his critics are just the latest in a long tradition.

Military training all over the world had a significant element of sport in it because fitness is needed in battle. In Social Darwinist thought, sport was encouraged during industrialism to ensure that "the nation" would remain "vital" and able to flex its military muscle. As articulated by World War II General and US President Dwight D Eisenhower, "the true mission of American sports is to prepare young people for war."

After September 11, 2001, and the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, the NFL worked with the US Department of Defense to hold an NFL Kick-Off Concert at the National Mall in August 2003. It was broadcast live on ABC along with an hour-long special on "Operation Tribute to Freedom," a program designed to "honor soldiers and give them opportunities to thank the American people for their support." These links between militarism, sports and entertainment "normalize war, rendering it habitual, seemingly rational, and largely immune to challenge," as articulated by Robert L Ivie. Having gone to war, the state, media and allied institutions attempt to maintain public support for the effort—a task that has proven more difficult in recent years.

Links between contemporary Western sport and war are endorsed and perpetuated by sportscasters and sports networks. Progressive sports writer and Edge of Sports Radio host, Dave Zirin, noted of the 2011 Super Bowl, “The sheer tonnage of militaristic bombast with patriotic trimmings was like Top Gun on steroids.” The Olympics have repeatedly been used to support corporate, militaristic and colonial agendas. US Memorial Day and Canadian Remembrance Day are occasions for networks' overt support for war, and ESPN's Sportcentre's Top 10 and the CBC's HNIC both feature annual celebrations of the military on their countries respective holidays. The leagues, owners and corporate interests push both militarism and conservative politics. Many NHL, MLB, NFL, and NBA teams hold annual "Seats for Soldiers" events and "Canadian Forces Appreciation Nights."

Each of these events feature undisguised expressions of militarism, and many athletes, teams, and leagues have supported the military by visiting troops abroad. The defense industry continues the militarization of sport with athletic sponsorships such the Bell Helicopter Armed Forces Bowl.

Some athletes themselves provide financial support for war, as with the Strikeouts for Troops program, a national project that has raised over $1 million since 2005 from contributions made by more than 60 professional baseball and football players, fund raising events, fan donations and corporate partnerships.

Others do so by holding events for soldiers and their families. In both 2007 and 2008, Tiger Woods donated 30,000 tickets to the AT&T National Golf tournament to service members and their families. Woods, whose father Earl was in the US Army Special Forces (the "Green Berets"), is known as a strong supporter of the military, saying that he would have joined up if he hadn't made it as a professional golfer.

At the same time that professional sport enlists support for militarism, it also serves as a major source of resistance to war. While athletes have a reputation for being more conservative than other celebrities, not all professional athletes endorse militarism, war or conservative politics. And, despite all the multifaceted connections between sport and war, there is also a long history of athletes acting as tools for peace.

One of the greatest heavyweight boxers, Mohammed Ali (born Cassius Clay), went to jail for resisting the draft during the Vietnam War and was stripped for a time of his championship.

At the 1968 Mexico City summer Olympics, two African-American athletes, Tommie Smith and John Carlos, who won gold and bronze medals in the 200-metre sprint, stood on the podium while US national anthem played, their heads bowed and a black-gloved fists raised, Black Power-style, as a protest against racism at home. They were expelled from the Olympic Village and the International Olympic Committee stripped them of their medals.

In the 2000s, among the most outspoken athletes against war and militarism are cyclist Lance Armstrong, Major League Baseball player Carlos Delgado, boxer Anthony Mundine, former NFL linebacker Adalius Thomas, tennis player Martina Navratilova, Ultimate Fighting Champion Jeff Monson and NBA players Steve Nash and Adonal Foyle.

These athletes have faced considerable public criticism for their political stances. Carlos Delgado faced taunts and boos when, in opposition to US militarization, he refused to stand for "God Bless America" played at MLB games. Canadian NBA star Steve Nash appeared at a 2003 NBA All-Star event wearing a T-shirt reading "No War. Shoot For Peace," and was told that "maybe [he] should be in a different country" by US Navy Academy graduate and San Antonio Spurs player David Robinson. Muslim-Australian Aboriginal boxer Anthony Mundine was indefinitely stripped of his 26th-place world ranking, after stating that he did not support Australia's involvement in the "War on Terror."

Numerous baseball players and the Major League Baseball Players Association spoke out against Arizona’s racist, anti—immigrant legislation in 2010. Most recently, members of the 2011 Super Bowl champions, the Green Bay Packers, including defensive captain Charles Woodson, have spoken in support of those protesting Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker’s legislative effort to remove public sector collective bargaining rights and centralize power in the governor’s office. (It is appropriate that Green Bay is the NFL’s only publicly-owned team, and that Woodson is on the NFLPA’s Board of Player Representatives, at a time when the NFL players may themselves be facing a lock out.)

Canadians should be prepared to support the first professional hockey player who comes out in favour of total Canadian withdrawal from Afghanistan. And we should all call on the CBC to rediscover its courage and independence and promote genuine debate about the Canadian mission in Afghanistan. True hockey fans should also demand that Coach's Corner return to its original purpose—commentary and analysis on the sport of hockey.

Dr Geoff Martin and Dr Erin Steuter teach at Mount Allison University in Sackville, NB. They are the authors of Pop Culture Goes to War: Enlisting and Resisting Militarism in the War on Terror, Lexington Books, 2010.

Cherry the Reaper

Bike Lanes Tarred

hillarybain — Thu, 30 Dec 2010 04:09:31 +0000

Tar sands are good, but bike lanes? Not so much

Did you hear the one about the tar sands project and the bike lane?

About 13 years ago, a company called ExxonMobil thought it would be a really good idea to start a tar sands project in Alberta. Five years earlier, in Toronto, a report for the City concluded it would be a really fine idea to put a bike lane along major downtown streets called Bloor and Danforth because so many cyclists used this popular east-west route.

There are actually a few differences between a tar sands project and a bike lane:

Oil from the tar sands is used by people to fuel their cars; bike lanes let people ride their bikes so they don't need oil from the tar sands.

A tar sands project uses huge amounts of water and natural gas while destroying forests, wetlands, and wildlife habitat; a bike lane needs a painted white line.

The ExxonMobil project would emit 3.7 million tonnes (Mt) of greenhouse gases (GHGs) each year—about the same as 800,000 cars—for 50 years; bicycles don't emit GHGs.

Now, in a sophisticated country like Canada you can't just decide to mine a tar sands deposit—or to take over a bit of the road to make it safer for cyclists.

We've got rules.

For the giant open pit of a tar sands project there has to be an environmental assessment (EA) so that governments can make smart decisions that avoid damaging the environment. For the painted white stripe of a bike lane you probably don't need an EA, but you can't be too careful—so the City decided to do a rigorous EA.

In 2006, a panel of experts was appointed to study the impacts, including GHG emissions, of the tar sands project (now involving Imperial Oil). A number of months later, the experts concluded that 3.7 Mt of GHGs wouldn't cause significant negative effects on the environment. They didn't say why, they just said it didn't. The government in Ottawa carefully read this report and decided it looked really good, and approved it. Around the same time, concerned groups asked a court to review the panel's decision.

The judge ruled that the panel couldn't just decide that 3.7 Mt of GHGs was insignificant—it had to give reasons. So the experts got back together in 2008 and said it wasn't significant because there wasn't much evidence that it was significant and, anyway, the government of Alberta was on top of the problem. Ottawa decided these reasons also sounded really good—and they gave a green light to the project.

Meanwhile, back in Toronto, the bike lane wasn't doing as well.

After the 1992 report, City Hall kept saying that cycling was a really good thing and more people ought to do it. More people did cycle and in 2001 the City said it would put in lots of bike lanes, except it didn't (but that's a different joke).

Finally, in October 2007 Toronto's council ordered a study to see if it was feasible to find a bit of room for bikes on Bloor-Danforth. About a year later, the report concluded a bikeway was feasible and would hardly even interfere with car traffic. The head of the city's bicycle committee announced a bikeway would finally happen. But some councillors and other folks were unhappy so in 2009 the City said it would do another study to look at the environmental impacts of the bikeway.

It took a full year to choose a consultant to prepare the EA—maybe because studying the environmental consequences of pedaling two-wheelers is a complex business.

The City was in no rush to have the EA started, and certainly not before the fall 2010 municipal elections. (Debating issues during an election can be awkward.) The EA was scheduled to be finished in 2011. In the meantime, some candidates running for mayor* said the City already had too many bike lanes, meaning bike lanes on two per cent of the city's 5,600 kilometres of roads was excessive. Apparently bikes were causing congestion. (It hadn't occurred to the candidates that bikes need far less room than cars, and with more people on bikes there would be more room for cars.)

The tar sands project is now under way with strong government support. Cyclists in Toronto, on the other hand, are mostly left to fend for themselves while breathing the fumes of ever-increasing amounts of tar sands fuel.

Funny, eh?

Albert Koehl is an environmental lawyer, an adjunct professor in natural resources law at Osgoode Hall Law School, and a founding member of the cycling group Bells on Bloor. This article was originally posted on Rabble.

*Since this article was published, Rob Ford, a loud critic of bike lanes, was elected Mayor of Toronto.

Bike Lanes

'In words and song, we commit to fighting apartheid'

Tim McSorley — Fri, 26 Feb 2010 17:35:57 +0000

Five hundred Montreal artists announce support for boycott, divestment and sanctions against Israeli state

The following is a call from Montreal artists to support the international campaign for Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions against Israeli apartheid:

Today, a broad spectrum of Montreal artists are standing in solidarity with the Palestinian struggle for freedom and supporting the growing international campaign for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) against the Israeli state. Last winter, the Israeli state launched a violent military assault on the Palestinian people of the Gaza Strip, leaving over 1,400 Palestinians dead, including over 300 children. Despite the official end of military operations, the blockade continues to this day, with devastating consequences for Gaza’s residents.

Over 60 years from the beginning of the ongoing Palestinian Nakba (catastrophe) in 1948, in which hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were forced from historic Palestine through Israel's creation, Montreal artists are united in solidarity with the Palestinian struggle for freedom and justice.

Montreal artists are now joining this international campaign to concretely protest the Israeli state’s ongoing denial of the inalienable rights of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and properties, as stipulated in and protected by international law, as well as Israel's ongoing occupation and colonization of the West Bank (including Jerusalem) and Gaza, which also constitutes a violation of international law and multiple United Nations resolutions.

Palestinian citizens face an entrenched system of racial discrimination and segregation, resembling the defeated apartheid system in South Africa. A matrix of Israeli-only roads, electrified fences, and over 500 military checkpoints and roadblocks erase freedom of movement for Palestinians. Israel’s apartheid wall, which was condemned by the International Court of Justice in 2004, cuts through Palestinian lands, further annexing Palestinian territory and surrounding Palestinian communities with electrified barbed wire fences and a concrete barrier soaring eight meters high.

Gaza remains under siege. Israel continues to impose collective punishment on the 1.5 million Palestinians of Gaza, who still face chronic shortages of electricity, fuel, food and basic necessities as the campaign of military violence executed by the apartheid state of Israel endures. UN officials recently observed that the "situation has deteriorated into a full-fledged emergency because of the cut-off of vital supplies for Palestinians." As a result of Israeli actions, Gaza has become a giant prison.

The global movement against Israeli apartheid, supported by a large majority of Palestinian civil society, is not targeted at individual Israelis but at Israeli institutions that are complicit in maintaining the multi-tiered Israeli system of oppression against the Palestinian people.

In fact, the Palestinian civil society BDS call, launched by over 170 Palestinian organisations in 2005, explicitly appeals to conscientious Israelis, urging them to support international efforts to bring about Israel's compliance with international law and fundamental human rights, essential elements for a justice-based peace in the region. The present appeal is also rooted in an active engagement with many progressive Israeli artists and activists who are working on a daily basis for peace and justice while supporting the growing global movement in opposition to Israeli apartheid.

During the first and second intifadas, Israel invaded, ransacked, and even closed down cinemas, theatres and cultural centers in the occupied territories. These deliberate attempts to stifle the Palestinian cultural voice have failed and will continue to fail. Around the world, the call for BDS is growing and is strongly rooted in the historic international solidarity movement against apartheid in South Africa.

In keeping with Nelson Mandela’s declaration that "our freedom [in South Africa] is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians," we believe that international solidarity is critical to liberating Palestinians from Israeli colonialism and apartheid. This struggle will continue until all Palestinians are granted their basic human rights, including the right of return for all Palestinian refugees living in the Diaspora.

Today, a diverse array of artists in Montreal, from filmmakers, musicians and dancers to poets, authors and painters, are joining the international movement against Israeli apartheid. On the streets, in concert halls, in words and in song, we commit to fighting against apartheid and call upon all artists and cultural producers across the country and around the world to adopt a similar position in this global struggle.

To add your support to this letter or to present questions or suggestions please write to info@tadamon.ca

1: Aidan Girt, musician, 1-Speed Bike
2: Alexander Moskos, musician, AIDS Wolf
3: Chole Lum, musician, AIDS Wolf
4: Yannick Desranleau, musician, AIDS Wolf
5: Esmeralda Súmar Jara, Amérythmes
6: Karen Lliana Lemus, Amérythmes
7: Ronald Lemus, Amérythmes
8: José Sermeno Rosales, Amérythmes
9: Daviyd Yisrael, Amérythmes
10: Pierre Allard, Action Terroriste Socialement Acceptable, ATSA
11: Annie Roy, Action Terroriste Socialement Acceptable, ATSA
12: Hamid Nach, musician, Bambara Trans
13: Kattam Laraki-Côté, percussionist, Bambara Trans
14: Iqi Balam, singer, Banda de Gaza
15: Owain Lawson, musician, Black Feelings
16: Brian Mitchell, musician, Black Feelings
17: Kyle Fostner, musician, Black Feelings
18: James Di Salvio, Bran Van 3000
19: Bronwen Agnew, Chaotic Insurrection Ensemble
20: Maire White, Chaotic Insurrection Ensemble
21: Skyla Mody, Chaotic Insurrection Ensemble
22: Annabelle Rivard, Chaotic Insurrection Ensemble
23: Veronica Post, Chaotic Insurrection Ensemble
24: Sonja Engmann, Chaotic Insurrection Ensemble
25: Cathy Inouye, Chaotic Insurrection Ensemble
26: Anne Gorry, Chaotic Insurrection Ensemble
27: Andrea Miller-Nesbitt, Chaotic Insurrection Ensemble
28: Joseph Boulos, Chaotic Insurrection Ensemble
29: Matt Corks, Chaotic Insurrection Ensemble
30: Florence Richer, Chaotic Insurrection Ensemble
31: Maggie Schreiner, Chaotic Insurrection Ensemble
32: Jon Boles, musician, Clues
33: Ben Borden, musician, Clues
34: Brendan Reed, musician, Clues
35: Don Wilkie, co-founder, Constellation Records
36: Ian Ilavsky, co-founder, Constellation Records
37: Tyler Megarry, DJ Backdoor
38: Robyn Maynard, DJ Dirtyboots
39: Kevin Moon, DJ Moonstarr
40: Vladimir López, DJ Palosanto
41: Scott Clyke, DJ Scott C
42: Mike Lai, DJ Static
43: Mado Lamotte, Drag Queen Diva
44: Nader Hasan, musician, Echoes Still Singing Limbs
45: Nick Kuepfer, musician, Echoes Still Singing Limbs
46: Aidan Jeffery, musician, Echoes Still Singing Limbs
47: Amine Benbachir, Elby & Woods
48: Jordan McKenzie, musician, Elfin Saddle
49: Emi Honda, musician, Elfin Saddle
50: Deeqa Ibrahim, singer, Empress Deeqa
51: Normand Raymond, musician, Ensemble Acalanto
52: Carmen Pavez, musician, Ensemble Acalanto
53: Rafael Azocar, musician/composer, Ensemble Acalanto
54: Rebecca Foon, musician, Esmerine
55: Jean-Sébastien Truchy, musician, Fly Pan Am
56: Lisa Gamble, Gambletron
57: Emilie Mouchous, electronic musician, Gamackrr
58: Sub Roy, musician, Grand Trine
59: Zayid Al-Baghdadi, musician, Hazaj Ensemble
60: Fadi Halawi, musician, Hazaj Ensemble
61: Michael Farsky, musician, Homosexual Cops
62: Joel Janis, singer, Jahnice +
63: Radwan Ghazi Moumneh, artist, Jerusalem in My Heart
64: Lubo Alexandrov, musician, Kaba Horo
65: Erik Hove, saxophonist, Kaba Horo
66: Zibz Black Current, poet, Kalmunity Vibe Collective
67: Matin Heslop, contrabass, Kalmunity Vibe Collective
68: Ron G. vocalist, Kalmunity Vibe Collective
69: Katalyst, poet, Kalmunity Vibe Collective
70: Adam Kinner, saxophonist, Kalmunity Vibe Collective
71: Mohamed Mehdi, guitar/voice, Kalmunity Vibe Collective
72: Jordan Peters, guitar, Kalmunity Vibe Collective
73: Fabrice Koffy, poet, Kalmunity Vibe Collective
74: Gordon Allen, musician, L’Envers
75: Simon Leduc, musician, Le Descente du Coude
76: Fanny Bloom, La Patère Rose
77: Kilojoules, La Patère Rose
78: Roboto, La Patère Rose
79: Simon D., Léopard et Moi
80: Lynne T., Lesbians on Ecstasy
81: Bernie Bankrupt, Lesbians on Ecstasy
82: Mathieu Farhoud-Dionne, rapper, Chafiik, Loco Locass
83: Geneviève Beaulieu, musician, Menace Ruine
84: Steve Lamothe, musician, Menace Ruine
85: Fred Savard, musician, Metis Yeti
86: Matthew Jacob Lederman, musician, Moondata LABprojects
87: Nantali Indongo, Nomadic Massive
88: Modibo Keita, Nomadic Massive
89: Diegal Leger, Nomadic Massive
90: Nicolás Palacios-Hardy, Nomadic Massive
91: Lou Piensa, Nomadic Massive
92: Ralph Joseph, Nomadic Massive
93: Meryem Saci, Nomadic Massive
94: Vox Sambou, Nomadic Massive
95: Jason Selman, Nomadic Massive / Kalmunity Vibe Collective
96: Sébastien Fournier, musician, Panopticon Eyelids
97: Félix Morel, musician, Panopticon Eyelids
98: Nicolas Basque, guitar/voice, Plants and Animals
99: Matthew Woodley, percussionist, Plants and Animals
100: David Bryant, musician, Set Fire to Flames
101: Thierry Amar, musician, Silver Mt. Zion
102: Sophie Trudeau, musician, Silver Mt. Zion
103: Mohamed Masmoudi, musician, Sokoun Trio
104: Greg Napier, musician, Special Noise
105: Jeff Simmons, musician, Special Noise
106: Edward Lee, artist, St. Emilie SkillShare
107: Reyrey Castonguay, artist, St. Emilie SkillShare
108: Machaulay Culkin, artist, St. Emilie SkillShare
109: Amanda Oliver, artist, St. Emilie SkillShare
110: Rochelle Ross, artist, St. Emilie SkillShare
111: Tasha Zamudio, artist, St. Emilie SkillShare
112: Kerri Flannigan, artist, St. Emilie SkillShare
113: Jessie Stein, singer/guitar, The Luyas
114: Yassin Alsalman, musician, the Narcicyst
115: Gern F., singer/guitar, The United Steel Workers of Montreal
116: Martin Cesar, musician, Think About Life
117: Greg Napier, musician, Think About Life
118: Caila Thompson-Hannant, musician, Think About Life
119: Graham Van Pelt, musician, Think About Life
120: Andrea deBruijn, poet, Throw Poetry Collective
121: Alessandra Naccarato, poet, Throw Poetry Collective
122: Merrill Garbus, musician, Tune-Yards
123: Sundus Abdul Hadi, visual artist
124: Jean-Marc Abela, filmmaker
125: Faiz Abhuani, Artivistic collective
126: Paul Ahmarani, actor
127: Mitchell Akiyama, electronic musician, intr. version recordings
128: Patrick Alonso, photographer
129: Hala Alsalman, filmmaker
130: Tito Alvarado, poet, Proyecto Cultural Sur
131: David Arancibia, pianist
132: Sabrien Amrov, photographer
133: Fortner Anderson, poet
134: Tasha Anestopoulos, DJ
135: Daniel Anez, pianist
136: David Arancibia, pianist
137: Amelie Ares, artist
138: Shahrzad Arshadi, artist/photographer
139: Nedaa Asbah, musician
140: Natali Asbah, violinist
141: Maroupi Asbah, violinist
142: Jon Asencio, musician/performance artist
143: Martine Audet, poet
144: Mila Aung-Thwin, Eye Steel Film
145: François Avard, author
146: Shira Avni, filmmaker
147: Magali Babin, electronic music composer
148: Gina Badger, visual artist
149: Rebecca Bain, musician
150: Anaïs Barbeau-Lavalette, filmmaker
151: Kate Bass, visual artist
152: Philippe Battikha, musician
153: Mireya Bayancela, comedian
154: Jonathan Belisle, Transmedia StoryTeller
155: Nabila Ben Youssef, comedian
156: Kamal Benkirane, writer/editor
157: Serge Bérard, writer
158: Patricia Bergeron, film producer
159: David Bernans, author
160: Isabelle Bernier, artist
161: Josué Bertolino, documentary filmmaker
162: Santiago Bertolino, documentary filmmaker
163: Mark Berube, singer, The Patriotic Few
164: Kawtare Bihya, artist
165: Eli Bissonnette, founder Dare to Care Records
166: Pierre-Guy Blanchard, percussionist
167: Julien Boisvert, filmmaker
168: Michel Bonneau, musician
169: Rana Bose, writer
170: Marie Boti, director, Productions Multi-Monde
171: Magda Boukanan, pianist
172: Bachir Boumediene, Eye Steel Film
173: Arnaud Bouquet, documentary filmmaker
174: Marie Brassard, actress/theatre performer
175: Derek Broad, designer
176: Richard Brouillette, filmmaker
177: Marion Brunelle, jazz singer
178: Alexia Bürger, comedian
179: Chris Burns, musician
180: Louise Burns, artist
181: Peter Burton, musician, executive director of Suoni per il Popolo festival
182: Antoine Bustros, pianist/composer
183: César Càceres, visual artist
184: Philippe Cadieux, visual artist
185: Michel Campeau, photographer
186: Olivier Campo, Bar Populaire
187: Daniel Canty, writer/filmmaker
188: Paul Cargnello, singer/songwriter
189: Boban Chaldovich, filmmaker
190: Vincent Champagne, filmmaker
191: Mazen Chamseddine, graphic artist/architect
192: Yung Chang, filmmaker, Up the Yangtze
193: Sarah Charland-Faucher, filmmaker
194: Elsa Charpentier, artist
195: Julie Châteauvert, Dare-Dare art gallery
196: Ghada Chehade, poet
197: Geneviève Chicoine, artist
198: Shayla Chilliak, musician
199: Jordan Christoff, musician
200: Stefan Christoff, pianist/photographer
201: Jacob Cino, music producer/DJ
202: Moe Clark, poet
203: Andrea-Jane Cornell, sound artist
204: Michel F Côté, musician
205: Marie-Hélène Cousineau, filmmaker
206: Mateo Creux, pianist
207: Jean Michel Cropsal, painter
208: Daniel Cross, filmmaker, founder of Eye Steel Film
209: Vincenzo D’Alto, photographer
210: Amy Darwish, artist/dancer
211: Noémie da Silva, photographer
212: Marie Davidson, singer, Les momies de Palerme
213: Mary Ellen Davis, documentary filmmaker
214: Luke Dawson, artist
215: Susanne de Lotbinière-Harwood, literary translator
216: Étienne de Massy, artist
217: Sylvie de Morais, comedian
218: Lhasa de Sela, singer
219: Julie Delorme, DJ/CKUT host
220: Sophie Deraspe, filmmaker, Les Signes Vitaux
221: Jean Derome, jazz musician
222: Nathalie Derome, interdisciplinary artist
223: Marcelle Deschênes, composer/multimedia artist
224: Robert Deschênes, artist
225: Richard Desjardins, artist
226: Denys Desjardins, filmmaker
227: Keiko Devaux, pianist, the Acorn/People for Audio
228: Omar Dewachi, musician
229: Benoît Dhennin, photographer
230: Nathalie Dion, artist, Zazalie Z
231: Xarah Dion, musician, Ample collective
232: Dominique Lebeau, Domlebo, musician
233: Kim Doré, poet/editor
234: Julie Doucet, comic artist
235: Robyn Dru Germanese, artist
236: Frédéric Dubois, cultural worker
237: Bruno Dubuc, filmmaker
238: Martin Duckworth, documentary filmmaker
239: Philippe Ducros, theatre director, Hotel Motel
240: Katie Earle, artist
241: Marlene Edoyan, filmmaker, Multi-Monde Productions
242: Will Eizlini, musician
243: Hassan El Hadi, musician/singer
244: Majdi El Omari, filmmaker
245: Darren Ell, photographer
246: Nirah Elyza Shirazipour, filmmaker, Eyes Infinite Films
247: Yves Engler, author
248: Bérenger Enselme, Bar Populaire
249: Claudia Espinosa, photographer
250: Tony Ezzy, musician
251: Julie Faubert, visual artist
252: David Fennario, playwright
253: Javier Fernàndez-Rial, pianist
254: Carlos Ferrand, filmmaker
255: Ian Ferrier, poet
256: Riley Fleck, percussionist
257: Arwen Fleming, musician
258: Lindsay Foran, visual artist
259: Andrew Forster, artist
260: Tammy Forsythe, choreographer
261: James Franze, musician
262: Kandis Friesen, visual artist
263: Fanny-Pierre Galarneau, graffiti artist, Aïshaaglyphics
264: Carmen Garcia, film producer
265: Francisco Garcia, artist
266: Brett Gaylor, filmmaker, RIP! A Remix Manifesto
267: Chloé Germain-Thérien, filmmaker/illustrator
268: Christine Ghawi, musician/actress/winner of Gemini Award
269: Olivier Gianolla, painter
270: Peter Gibson, visual artist, Roadsworth
271: Serge Giguère, filmmaker
272: Yan Giguère, artist
273: Dan Gillean, visual artist, Fiver
274: Jason Gillingham, artist
275: Miriam Ginestier, DJ/artistic director of Studio 303
276: Michel Giroux, filmmaker
277: Ernest Godin, producer/filmmaker, Kondololé films
278: Anne Golden, video artist
279: Malcolm Goldstein, violinist/composer
280: Amber Goodwyn, singer, Nightwood
281: Ashley Gould, DJ
282: Janna Graham, sound artist
283: Étienne Grenier, sound artist
284: Neil Griffith, musician
285: Steve Guimond, artistic director of festival Suoni per il Popolo
286: Alexandra Guité, filmmaker
287: Freda Guttman, artist
288: Malcolm Guy, documentary filmmaker, Productions Multi-Monde
289: Tamara Abdul Hadi, photographer
290: Rawi Hage, author
291: Linda Dawn Hammond, photographer
292: Katy Hanna, artist
293: Shannon Harris, documentary filmmaker
294: Tim Hecker, electronic musician
295: Dorothy Henault, documentary filmmaker
296: Anne Henderson, documentary filmmaker
297: Hanako Hoshimi-Caines, contemporary dancer
298: Magnus Isacsson, documentary filmmaker
299: Yuki Isami, musician
300: Naledi Jackson, visual artist
301: Yohan Jager, pianist
302: Stéphane Jaques, theatre director
303: Jocelyn Jean, artist
304: Rodrigue Jean, artist
305: Sandra Jeppesen, poet/professor
306: David Jhave Johnston, poet
307: Sophie Jodoin, visual artist
308: Norsola Johnson, musician
309: Nicole Jolicoeur, artist
310: Sawssan Kaddoura, visual artist
311: Stephan Kazemi, designer
312: Kaie Kellough, poet
313: Arshad Khan, documentary filmmaker
314: Nika Khanjani, filmmaker
315: Maya Khankhoje, writer
316: Valerie Khayat, poet/singer
317: Catherine Kidd, poet
318: Sergeo Kirby, cinema producer, Loaded Pictures
319: Courtney Kirkby, sound artist
320: Aysegul Koc, filmmaker
321: Nick Kuepfer, musician
322: Devlin Kuyek, author
323: Sylvain L’Espérance, cinéaste
324: Danièle Lacourse, cinéaste
325: Stéphane Lahoud, cinéaste
326: Jean-Sébastien Lalumière, cinéaste
327: Ève Lamont, documentary filmmaker
328: Noam Lapid, visual artist
329: Chantale Laplante, composer
330: Rodolphe-Yves Lapointe, artist
331: Monique Laramée, multidisciplinary artist
332: Graham Latham, musician
333: Hugo Latulippe, cinéaste
334: Brian Allen Lipson, musician
335: Klervi Thienpont Lavallée, actress
336: Franck Le Flaguais, artist
337: Sophie Le-Phat Ho, Artivistic collective
338: François Leandre, visual artist
339: Michel Lefebvre, artist/multimedia editor
340: Vincent Lemieux, artist/DJ
341: Jean-François Lessard, writer/composer
342: Anna Leventhal, writer
343: JJ Levine, photographer
344: Mika Lillit Lior, choreographer/dancer
345: Sarah Linhares, singer
346: Paul Litherland, artist
347: Amy Lockhart, filmmaker/artist
348: Guillermo Lopez, cinema editor
349: Jacinthe Loranger, visual artist
350: Ehab Lotayef, poet
351: Lousnak, singer/multidisciplinary artist
352: Caytee Lush, poet
353: Kit Malo, artist
354: Khalid M’Seffar, radio host/DJ
355: Jessica MacCormack, multidisciplinary artist
356: Emmanuel Madan, sound artist
357: Rob Maguire, editor ArtThreat.net
358: Claude Maheu, musician
359: Hernán Maria, musician
360: Omar Majeed, filmmaker, Taqwacore – the Birth of Punk Islam
361: Iphigénie Marcoux-Fortier, filmmaker, Multi-Monde productions
362: Natalie Marshik, artist
363: Billy Mavreas, visual artist
364: Valerian Mazataud, photographer
365: Kirsten McCrea, artist, Papirmasse
366: Taliesin McEnaney, theatre artist
367: Catherine McInnis, artist
368: Meek, electronic musician
369: Feroz Mehdi, filmmaker/activist
370: Elany Mejia, musician
371: Amy Miller, documentary filmmaker
372: Jeff Miller, writer
373: Claude Mongrain, sculptor
374: Émilie Monnet, singer, Odaya
375: Evan Montpellier, musician
376: Vincent Moon, filmmaker
377: Allison Moore, artist
378: Katie Moore, singer/songwriter
379: Jean-Guy Moreau, artist/comedian
380: Dominic Morissette, filmmaker/photographer
381: Nadia Moss, visual artist/musician
382: Krista Muir, musician, Lederhosen Lucil
383: Mehdi Nabti, musician
384: Tyler Nadeau, photographer
385: Dimitri Nasrallah, author
386: Rawane Nassif, filmmaker
387: Pamela Navarrete, artist
388: Norman Nawrocki, musician/author
389: Joshua Noiseux, photographer
390: Kelly Nunes, DJ
391: Alexis O’Hara, multidisciplinary artist
392: Sean O’Hara, founder Alien 8 Recordings
393: Sarah Pagé, musician
394: Cléo Palacio-Quintin, musician/composer
395: Catherine Pappas, documentary filmmaker
396: Marie-Hélène Parant, artist
397: Richard Reed Parry, musician, Bell Orchestre
398: Alain Pelletier, multidisciplinary artist
399: Yann Perreau, singer/songwriter
400: Sara Peters, poet
401: Pierre Petiote, artist
402: Mauro Pezzente, musician, founder Casa del Popolo
403: Alisha Piercy, artist/writer
404: Pierre-Emmanuel Poizat, musician
405: Carole Poliquin, filmmaker
406: Janet Ponce, singer/author/composer
407: Jeannette Pope, filmmaker
408: Rozenn Potin, filmmaker
409: Levana Prud’homme, dancer
410: Jean-François Poupart, writer/professor
411: Thea Pratt, artist
412: Alain G. Pratte, photographer
413: Kern Prophete, hip-hop artist
414: Jesse Purcell, artist, Just Seeds
415: Nelly-Eve Rajotte, artist
416: Anne Ramsden, artist
417: Nada Raphael, documentary photographer
418: Louis Rastelli, author
419: Antonella Ravello, photographer
420: Coire Ready Langham, circus artist
421: Fred Reed, writer
422: Victor Regalado, artist
423: Monique Régimbald-Zieber, artist
424: Alain Reno, illustrator
425: Gisela Restrepo, artist
426: Gerard Reyes, dancer
427: Andrea Rideout, theatre artist
428: Coco Riot, artist
429: Matana Roberts, saxophonist
430: Antoine Rouleau, photographer
431: Guilaine Royer, cultural worker
432: Daïchi Saïto, filmmaker
433: Trish Salah, poet
434: Babak Salari, photographer
435: Samian, hip-hop artist
436: Miriam Sampaio, multidisciplinary artist
437: Marjolaine Samson, artist
438: Julian Samuel, artist/writer
439: Ariel Santana, artist
440: Claire Savoie, artist
441: Dorothy Saykaly, contemporary dancer
442: Patti Schmidt, radio host/cultural commentator
443: Anita Schoepp, artist/musician
444: Nadia Seboussi, artist
445: Fran Sendbuehler, graphic artist
446: Marcel Sévigny, author
447: Sam Shalabi, musician/composer
448: Nik Barry-Shaw, writer
449: Eric Shragge, author/professor
450: Bridget Simpson, musician
451: Michelle Smith, documentary filmmaker, Productions Multi-Monde
452: Prem Sooriyakumar, filmmaker
453: Jennifer Spiegel, writer
454: Laurel Sprengelmeyer, artist, Little Scream
455: Darlene St. Georges, art educator
456: Alexandre St-Onge, sound artist/musician
457: Allison Staton, photographer
458: Victoria Stanton, performance artist
459: Gab Perry Stensson, artist
460: Martha Stiegman, documentary filmmaker/author
461: Kiva Stimac, visual artist, founder Casa del Popolo
462: Brett Story, filmmaker
463: John W. Stuart, graphic designer/writer
464: Caroline Tagny, graphic artist
465: Roger Tellier-Craig, musician
466: Vincent Tinguely, poet/writer
467: Juan Toro, musician
468: Tanya Tree, documentary filmmaker
469: Benoît Tremblay, artist
470: Philippe Tremblay-Berberi, filmmaker
471: Gisèle Trudel, artist, Ælab
472: Svetla Turnin, executive director of Cinema Politica
473: André Turpin, cinéaste
474: Armand Vaillancourt, painter/sculptor
475: Rufo Valencia, writer/poet
476: Sylvie Van Brabant, filmmaker
477: Niek van de Steeg, artist
478: Francis Van Den Heuvel, filmmaker
479: Rahul Varma, theatre director, Teesri Duniya Theatre
480: Chris Vaughn, violinist, Free Benny Meanz
481: Adrian Vedady, jazz musician
482: Felipe Verdugo, pianist
483: Sebastián Verdugo, pianist
484: Stefan Verna, documentary filmmaker
485: Gilles Vigneault, artist
486: Sam Vipond, musician
487: Tamara Vukov, filmmaker/academic
488: Shannon Walsh, documentary filmmaker
489: Francesca Waltzing, artist
490: Erin Weisgerber, sound artist
491: David Widgington, journalist/filmmaker
492: Ezra Winton, founder Cinema Politica
493: Britt Wray, artist
494: Gary Worsley, founder Alien 8 Recordings
495: Dexter X, filmmaker/musician
496: Eileen Young, visual artist
497: Karen Young, singer/songwriter
498: Kevin Yuen Kit Lo, graphic designer
499: Michael Zaidan, filmmaker
500: Kim Zombik, singer

More information: http://tadamon.ca.

Lhasa de Sela

Floating above the wall

An Insincere Celebration

dawn — Wed, 09 Dec 2009 12:30:30 +0000

Is the Olympics' use of Indigenous symbolism imprudent?

VICTORIA, BC—The inclusion of colonial narratives has forever been enshrined within the Olympic formula, and Indigenous peoples have long served the performance needs of nations whose histories rest in imperial conquest.

Canada is no exception. On three occasions, including 1976 Montreal, 1988 Calgary and 2010 Vancouver, Canada has been afforded the opportunity to host the coveted Olympic Games. In each instance the inclusion of Indigenous cultures, and their complimentary images, has been a prominent countenance of the Games. However, this inclusion has not always been celebrated, nor unquestioningly accepted, by the Indigenous peoples.

The 1976 Montreal Olympic Summer Games organizers no doubt understood the symbolic value of incorporating Indigenous imagery within the programme of the first ever Olympic Games hosted on Canadian soil. During the closing ceremony of these Games, "Indians Hosts" figuratively ushered the athletes of the world into the stadium, accompanied Olympic delegates throughout the duration of the ceremony and, as one might predict, delighted national and international audiences with the traditional songs and dances of the First Peoples of Canada.

In consideration of these "traditional" songs and dances, it is important to point out that the music was based on the works of Canadian composer Andre Mathieu, and included a curious blend of western musical choreography and Indian tom-toms to songs such as "La Danse Sauvage."

Furthermore, due to financial constraints, responsibility was put on the approximately 250 non-Indigenous people, who were painted and dressed to look like Indians, to lead 200 Indigenous people into the stadium in "traditional" dance. Within the context of 1976, it becomes clear that Olympic organizers understood the symbolic importance and powerful persuasiveness of Indigenous imagery; however, they flagrantly failed to enter into respectful dialogue with the very people they proposed to be celebrating.

In the case of the 1988 Calgary Olympic Winter Games, the inclusion of Indigenous imagery went beyond the ceremonies as organizers proactively, if not productively, included the romanticized aura of a celebrated, and noble, yet doomed, Indian past.

Despite mighty attempts to highlight indigeneity within the cultural programme, Olympic organizers experienced significant resistance from Indigenous peoples opposing the Games—notably the Lubicon Lake Cree Nation of northern Alberta. The Lubicon people were in a near century-long struggle with the provincial and federal governments for treaty recognition.

While the Games were not being hosted on Lubicon territory, Lubicon opposition to the Games was based on the provincial and federal governments’ infinite financial support of the Games as well as the sponsorship of Olympic events by corporations illegally invading non-surrendered Lubicon territory—namely Petro Canada and Shell Canada.

In one instance, the Lubicon called for a boycott of "The Spirit Sings" Olympic exhibit, which was co-sponsored by the Olympic cultural programme, the federal government, Shell Canada, and the Glenbow Museum. Lubicon leaders criticized the fact that the very entities invading Lubicon territory were sponsoring an exhibit claiming to celebrate Indigenous cultures. Their goal was to expose the hypocrisy of an exhibit that proposed to bring together Native Canadian material culture from collections around the world—material that had, essentially, been stolen hundreds of years prior.

In a second example of Indigenous opposition to the Calgary Games, supporters of the Lubicon focused resistance efforts on the Olympic torch run. While the theme of the run called for all Canadians to "Share the Flame," the torch was met with significant opposition in every province (except PEI) as Lubicon supporters spread an alternate message reminding that if Canadians were to share the flame, they must also "Share the Blame" for the historic and ongoing mistreatment of Indigenous peoples in Canada.

As we move towards 2010 Vancouver, there can be little doubt that Indigenous imagery will be a visible feature of Olympic Games programming. The inclusion of appropriated Indigenous imagery, including the logo (Ilanaaq the Inunnguaq—the Inukshuk) and the mascots (Miga, a mythical sea bear, Quatchi, a sasquatch and Sumi, a guardian spirit), has caused significant unrest amongst Indigenous peoples and their supporters; however, one must not forget that larger political, social, and economic realities loom overhead.

One might argue that the imprudent inclusion of Indigenous insignia within past and present Canadian Olympic hosting practices, particularly in the absence of respectful consultation and dialogue, is introspective of the ongoing mistreatment and disregard for Indigenous peoples.

Indigenous opposition to the 2010 Games has rallied under a public campaign calling for "No Olympics on Stolen Native Land." The Indigenous peoples of British Columbia (as do the Lubicon Cree) require honourable treaties—not Olympic circuses that continue to trivialize the political, social, and economic injustices faced by Indigenous peoples in Canada.

Dr. Christine O'Bonsawin is a specialist in Indigenous sport history, Canadian sport history as well as Indigenous/Indian policy. She teaches at the University of Victoria.

Inukshuk balloon

Do You Believe?

dru — Wed, 18 Nov 2009 06:25:13 +0000

Introduction to the Dominion's special report on the Olympics

Sports are used to sell us fast food, beer, electronics and war. They indulge and legitimate base chauvinism. With unparalleled drama, they give voice to our desire for collective achievement, while distracting us from the daily facts of alienation and political disempowerment.

But beyond the alcohol-fueled appreciation of hot man-on-man violence, beyond the support-our-troops, go-team-go narrow-mindedness, we can still catch a glimpse of something beautiful.

From the muck of hyper-competitiveness and commercialism, ad agencies have dredged up images that harken back to a half-real utopia of the dedication of parents driving their kids to hockey practice, the sacrifice and hard work embodied by Bobby Orr’s surgery-knit knee, of getting back to the essence of the game, working hard, having fun, giving your all for the love of sport.

The honest purity of sport is what makes the Olympics so popular. Watching athletes at the peak of their abilities, distilling all of their effort and skill into one moment, is undeniably compelling.

The honest purity of sport is also what makes sport such a powerful political tool. It can be used to legitimate whatever agenda those in power might want to push forward. Roman Emperors knew this when they built the Coliseum, just as the Olympics’ corporate sponsors realize this today.

The rhetorical power of sports is notable in the measures taken to prevent athletes from using their ability to call attention to political causes not supported by the sponsors. John Carlos and Tommy Smith raised their black-gloved fists after winning Gold and Bronze in the 200m dash in 1968. They were stripped of their medals, banned from the Olympic village, and kicked off the US Olympic team.

During the Games in Vancouver, Richmond and Whistler, possession of anti-Olympic signage can earn you a $10,000 fine, and police are allowed to search your home without prior warning.

When athletes say that they want to keep politics and sports separate, it is self-preservation first, and purity second.

And for those who are informed, it is disingenuous. The Olympics are providing cover for an array of actions that would be politically unpalatable under normal circumstances.

In what follows, we document some of these unsavory advances, including taxpayers having the wool pulled over their eyes, increases in surveillance and militarization, land theft, the setting of new precedents in rolling back civil liberties, and the large-scale implementation of social cleansing.

In another sense, the Olympics represent a high-stakes bet that the province of British Columbia can sell a big lie to a global audience. The province has never signed treaties for the use of the vast majority of land it today claims. Many First Nations live in third world conditions, with funding for schools and services often at a fraction of their non-native counterparts. Realizing this, the Vancouver Organizing Committee for the 2010 Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games doubled down, incorporating Indigenous imagery into all aspects of its marketing. So thorough has this exercise been, that it prompted the Globe and Mail to declare, “The Canadian aesthetic has become aboriginal.”

In the lead-up to the Olympics, the province unsuccessfully attempted to push “Rights and Reconciliation” legislation onto the Indigenous nations of BC. Grassroots resistance killed it off.

As billions of viewers turn their gaze towards Vancouver between February 12 and 28, 2010, what will they see? Will it be the commercialized veneer of the “Aboriginal aesthetic”? Or will they see the ongoing land theft, enforced poverty and the repressive measures that are used to maintain the current state of affairs?

Canada’s political and corporate elite are spending billions to ensure that the odds are stacked in their favour. Others, less funded, will attempt to expose the big lie.

Who wins depends, to a large extent, on Canadians’ willingness to believe the lie.

Do you believe?

Really, Harper: Canada has No History of Colonialism?

dawn — Mon, 28 Sep 2009 18:21:14 +0000

At least the PM isn't a history teacher

"We also have no history of colonialism..."
—Prime Minister Stephen Harper.

VANCOUVER—On the heels of a massive exercise of US police repression against G20 protestors, including use of a wartime sonic acoustic weapon also being used in Iraq, Stephen Harper made the above declaration. The comment came during a press conference in Pittsburgh where it was announced that Canada would be hosting the next G20 meeting in 2010.

Perhaps Harper and I are not on the same page—is colonialism not defined as the practice and processes of domination, control, and forced subjugation of one people to another? As most bluntly stated by Duncan Campbell Scott, Head of the Department of Indian Affairs in the 1920s: “Our objective is to continue until there is not a single Indian in Canada that has not been absorbed into the body politic and there is no Indian question.”

I expect Harper has read the federal government’s own report on the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, which explicitly lays out Canada’s imposition of a colonial relationship (indeed, that is the heading of one of the chapters) on Indigenous people. Measures of this relationship include the Indian Act, residential schools, forcible relocation including onto reservations, the imposed Band Council system, institution of a pass system (which was subsequently borrowed by apartheid South Africa), germ warfare, outlawing of ceremonies such as the potlatch and traditional activities such as fishing, failed treaty processes and other forced assimilation polices including the Act for the Gradual Assimilation of Indian Peoples.

Considering that his government has so ardently voted against it, it would be safe to presume that Harper is aware of the 2007 United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People. If Canada has no history of colonialism, then what else would explain that Canada—along with other settler states such as Australia—have yet to sign the Declaration? Other than the glaring and painful reality of colonization, what would make the Declaration “unworkable for Canada,” as stated by the Harper government?

This Declaration, endorsed by an overwhelming majority of the 144 UN member states, recognizes that “Indigenous peoples have suffered from historic injustices as a result of, inter alia, their colonization and dispossession” and therefore affirms that “Indigenous peoples have the right of self-determination.” According to the Declaration, this includes: right to autonomy and self government, right to maintain and strengthen political, legal, economic, social and cultural institutions, collective right to live in freedom without being subjected to acts of genocide, and right to redress and compensation for the lands, territories and resources confiscated, taken, occupied, used or damaged without free, prior and informed consent.

And was it not Harper’s government that finally issued an official apology for residential schools which separated children from their families, communities, and culture in order to "kill the Indian in the child?" It has been extensively documented that children suffered unimaginable abuses—including sexual violence, physical beatings, emotional and psychological torture, and death—in residential schools. The traumas of this colonial legacy continues today with Indigenous people disproportionately experiencing poverty, poor health, incarceration, youth suicides, unprecedented levels of violence against Indigenous women, child apprehension, and substandard levels of access to basic needs including water and homes.

Indigenous people from Akwesasne, Tyendinaga, Six Nations, Athabasca Chipewyan, Kitchenuhmaykoosib Inninuwug, and Secwepemc are forced to throw up blockades to halt environmentally devastating mineral exploration, logging practices, and resource extraction that continue to infringe on their lands. Clearly, Harper has not been blind to these public struggles that his government is complicit in criminalizing as Canada becomes notorious for its Indigenous political prisoners—prisoners of Canada’s colonial democracy.

What Harper meant to say was: “Canada has no history of colonialism, except for the ongoing internal colonization of Indigenous people and the external colonization and occupation of, amongst others, the people of Afghanistan. Not one to break with history, my government too has been making strides in asserting greater dominance over Indigenous peoples' lives, lands, and governance.”

At least we can take some comfort in the fact that Harper is just another hypocritical and self-serving politician and not a history teacher.

Harsha Walia is a South Asian organizer and writer based in Vancouver, on unceded Coast Salish territory.

A version of this article previously appeared in the Vancouver Sun online, and is reprinted here with permission of the author.

Turtle Island Re-Emergent

Maya Rolbin-Ghanie — Fri, 28 Aug 2009 05:08:33 +0000

KUTENAI TERRITORY, TURTLE ISLAND—The genocide of Indigenous Peoples inside the territories claimed by Canada doesn’t end until Canada de-colonizes. As Jean-Paul Sartre recognized when he focused the intellectual power of european philosophy onto the subject of european colonization, colonialism equals genocide. As long as the fair folk of the Canadian State have a colonial relationship with the territorial Indigenous Peoples, then the genocide continues. Canadians left, right and center do not actively advocate genocide. However, there exists an unconscious denial of what Canadians conveniently do not have to witness at close range, thanks to several centuries of apartheid social organization.

Over the past several months, the media collective that calls itself The Dominion has generously offered me a space in the margins to talk to the few of you who happen by. If you’ve been following me, we’ve crossed the invisible apartheid border, looked at the forms of political economy that require apartheid, and had a brief glance at an indigenous socialism from Turtle Island’s past. The ideas I’ve been sharing with you aren’t my ideas. In cultures with an oral tradition, the great libraries of knowledge are held within the ranks of the living, and I’m grateful to those librarians who have gathered, and then passed on to me, some of the enormous storehouse of indigenous knowledge. Now I, in turn, am passing fragments to you.

The current phase of the genocide of Indigenous Peoples will not end by fiddling with the details and single instances of the mechanics of the genocide, for instance addictions, or suicide, or lateral violence. These are symptoms, not causes. For example, I don’t believe that addictions are a problem of the individual, but are individuals' reactions to the cause of the genocide. Colonialism. The entire relationship between our euro-ancestry sisters and brothers, and the remnants of our own societies, indigenous to Turtle Island, is colonial. The structure of modernity, with a representative democracy funded by and responsible to a capitalist economy, based on an extractive, exploitative, minimalist relationship with the natural environment, is colonial. Colonialism kills Indigenous Peoples.

An indigenous method of problem solving involves moving towards the desired solution, rather than away from the perceived problem. Many indigenous knowledge bases propose that human intention has actuating power in the physical world; we affect whatever we place our intentions on, through our conscious attention. If we place our attention on our problems, because we want to repair those problem areas, we unintentionally increase the level of energy flowing to the problem areas. Over uncounted millennia, this observed pattern has resulted in an indigenous social program of focusing on the desired outcome, a group behavior that some european somewhere called spiritual. In Dios, literally “In God.” However, I believe that euro-centric notions of spirituality are as far off base as euro-centric notions of what addictions are, for the same reasons.

Practicing my indigenous knowledge, I conjure an intention: humans as indigenous to the actual physical place where we each are, right now. I feel this "indigenaiety" as a relationship, signaled by the pull of gravity to my great Mother, the earth. You, reading these words, can feel this pull, too. Don’t let the illusion of cyberspace or printspace throw you off balance; call to your floating mind with your heart and flow into the physical pull. In Dios. Without the human-made confusion about God and Man.

The French called us the "Cris," the cryers, from the ceremonial action of making a specific sound set with voice, a syncopated counter-rhythm heard during many lodge-type ceremonies. In our own language we are known as the four-part beings, referencing the mental, emotional, physical and spiritual aspects of being human.

These four aspects are in motion. When they are balanced, you get a smooth ride. Riding the spinning wheel of these four aspects—call it a four directions medicine wheel—I conjure an intention: indigenizing Canada. Having this torture session stop would be nice. Ending the genocide would be great. But that’s not where to put my good energy, my builder’s energy, my creative energy. So I call with a Cree cry into the space between your heartbeats, the drum beat of Mother Earth, syncopated: let’s build social power, you and I.

Traveling the pathway from apartheid modernity to an indigenous socialism for the 21^st century calls for walkers, each walking in our own way, but together, in the same direction. The footprints in the grass are already outlining a pathway, from the Mayan Zapatistas to the Bolivian MAS to the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela. Even from here I can faintly see the emerging outlines of a communal council system that someday will organically overgrow colonial forms of political economy.

In my ancient culture, the extended family was the core of the regional governance system, with female Elders gently guiding the whole process. A cross-linked communal council system existed inside the extended family structure. One organic possibility for Canada’s future is the re-emergence of extended, family-based, communal councils, where, for instance, Canadian youth, if faced with dysfunctional families of origin, can simply decide to create new extended families of choice.

In the ancient culture, fresh new humans were intentionally created, by adults three generations deep in childcare facility, on an as-needed basis. In other words, the absolute total size of the human population in any one bio-region was controlled by the members of the group acting in concert. Birth control was understood and practiced, sexuality was recognized as the powerful force that it rightfully is, and social systems were evolved to provide safe and complete outlets for all of that extra non-procreative sexual energy for which we humans are renowned.

By using this system, each new child entered an extended family circle where she/he was the center of attention for an adoring circle of adults who defined themselves in relation to her/him. Great-grandmother, grandmother, mother, aunt, cousin, sister were the circle they toddled into. Every effort was made by all of these adults to prevent injury or abuse.

The Cree education system had two childhood phases before one entered adulthood at puberty. Phase one was the above-described building of a central, indestructible core of individual personhood. When children reached a certain age, they were gently moved into stage two, consciously learning how to seek humbleness. By humbleness I mean seeking balance across both human and non-human systems, so that there is no Above or Below.

Cree children had, as companions in search of humbleness, all of their age-peers, and, as role models, all of the adults around them. Within this educational system, fresh new humans matured into adult humans who were fearlessly themselves and knew how to make decisions for individual action based on the best outcome for the whole group.

The entire practice was ritualized into a belief system that relied on the metaphor of ceremony. Each individual carried inside of themselves their own unique understanding of ceremony, while the actual practice of gathering together to perform ceremony created the conditions for the harmonization of individual, society, and Mother Earth. In Dios.

Turtle Island is re-emerging, after a long eclipse under the shadow of the Americas. I see a wonderful opportunity here for Canadian social activists to place intentions on creating an indigenized pluri-national, multi-ethnic space to fit into Turtle Island re-emergent. I ask each reader to consider what this would mean in their personal life.

Thank you for gifting me with this brief space of your attention.

Together, towards Turtle Island.

Gifted with a white privilege suit on his Birth Day, Steinhauer has been slipping back and forth across the invisible boundary between Turtle Island and Canada, since 1952, in his lovely birthday suit. And this is what he saw.

StarWoman

Indigenius Socialism for the 21st Century

dru — Thu, 09 Jul 2009 04:34:32 +0000

KUTENAI TERRITORY, TURTLE ISLAND—First thing's first: “Indigenius” is not a typo in the headline; it’s an example of the syncretic nature of the Cree language. Cree uses building blocks called morphemes; the genius of the Cree language is that speakers creatively jam morphemes together to create new, more accurate words, with two focuses: humour and poetry. And it’s an action, not mulled over in quiet deliberation, but spit out in the heat of the moment. Language as performance art.

Ready?

By the the beginning of the 21^st century—after the imagined end of history, and much to Euro-origin intellectuals’ surprise—a call for socialism in the 21^st century arose in Latin America, first among Mayan Zapatistas and then spreading southwards across the remainder of Turtle Island.

Socialism for the 21^st century became Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez’s electoral battle cry, where, in spite of the complete and absolute opposition of the privately owned public media, he won election after election on the promise to redistribute oil revenues to the 60 per cent of the Venezuelan population that was desperately poor. Following Chavez’s program of Catholic liberation theology mixed with a smattering of Marx and topped off with hefty doses of pragmatic state capitalism, nation states across the southern continent tilted Left, with the notable exception of Colombia—after Israel, the largest recipient of US military aid in the world.

Like Evo Morales and the Bolivian Movement Toward Socialism (MAS), Indigenous-led social movements throughout Latin America are openly anti-capitalist, because capitalism as a system of political economy means ongoing genocide for Indigenous Peoples and perpetual ecocide for the non-human portion of the Mother Earth Super-Being, of which humans are a part. (See CIBC and Me, Part IV for details.) Coming from a deep history of harmonious relations with Mother Earth, and having already spent millennia in systems of political economy based on simple egalitarian sharing, Indigenous Peoples have something to say about what a potential future steady state global system of political economy could look like.

The first thing I have to point to is the European model of industrial development. It doesn’t work for a multiplicity of reasons, and negates Marx’s theoretical explanation of how capitalism would automatically create a human society filled with workers who will, some day, transform capitalism into a socialist society. From an Indigenous perspective, the Euro-origin industrial model arises from a psychological pitting of human against nature, manufacturing an ideological division that does not exist in Indigenous reality. Further, it posits that something called "scarcity" exists, and that technological development is necessary to better this supposedly natural state of scarcity. Within this imagined dichotomy, nature is wild and humans are civilized; humans living in a state of nature are wild, and therefore not real humans. The real humans live in a state of technologically ameliorated scarcity, assembling vehicles for Ford, GM and Chrysler, with two mortgages and four credit cards. So much for Marx.

From the Indigenous-to-Turtle Island point of view, there is no dichotomy between wild and civilized. There is no such thing as wilderness. When Europeans arrived on Turtle Island they saw wilderness, while Indigenous Peoples saw the space as fully inhabited by culturally developed humans who were living in an active relationship with Mother Earth. Land that was fully, ethically, sustainably inhabited by Indigenous Peoples was seen by Europeans as undeveloped. John Locke’s labour theory of value claims that an Indian’s land is not worth one-thousandth of what the same acre of land would be worth were it located in England. Several hundred years after Locke’s writings, agricultural researchers are suggesting that, if all factors from the global industrial base are included, free-ranging a 60,000,000-head herd of buffalo is most likely the best agricultural use of the High Plains region of North America—exactly the use it was being put to prior to the introduction of Europe’s industrial development model.

From an Indigenous point of view, a logical recommendation for socialism for the 21^st century is a complete redesign of humanity’s global industrial base. The redesigned industrial base has to abandon both the myth of scarcity and the myth of wilderness, while embracing the reality that humans actually are an integral part of an enormous Super-Being, whom Indigenous folks have long known as Mother Earth.

A quick dash back to reality for a moment: we humans aren’t going to voluntarily undertake a task of that magnitude while we are in our current antisocial state of mind. It’s easy to point to the global problems facing humanity and say that our self-induced trauma has shaped us to be the species we are now. The challenging part is imagining the way forward from here.

This brings my imagination to the crucial place: the crux of the matter; the originating point. The human vagina. Not being personally endowed with one, and certainly subject to the same forces noted by psychological studies concluding that a man’s imagination goes there at least once every 10 seconds, I realize I’m fair game for criticism.

However, as a once-popular song might have said had it been penned by an Indigenous lyricist, the vagina bone is connected to the stomach bone, and the stomach bone is connected to the heart bone. In an odd way, that just about sums up gender relationships while being anatomically correct, energetically speaking. Indigenous socialism arises from the relationship between mother and child, the first social relationship we humans experience. Looking into the structure of the social institution of Indigenous motherhood, prior to the cataclysmic assault staged by Christian missionaries hell-bent on their civilizing mission, I see some noteworthy features.

Connecting the heart bone to the head bone, I see the common thread of Indigenius Socialism expressed through a particular aspect of human sexuality. Modern medical researchers call it oxytocin, but you don’t have to name it to know it. Human females experience an inter-human bonding, or a primary socialism, during sexual arousal, sexual activity, sexual orgasm(s!), child birth, breast feeding, communal food preparation, communal feasting, and communal socializing in general, when the mood is non-violent. From the very specific Indigenous point of view found on the High Plains, where all those buffalos were roaming among the playful deer and antelope, pre-Christianized human societies practised a non-hierarchical matrifocal social form, where women’s relationships established the social norms. Men had roles, too, and I’ll get to that in time, but women’s relationship roles, revolving around motherhood, are the key to understanding Indigenius Socialism and the foundation of what I am proposing here as Syncretic Indigenius Socialismo.

In the human brain, there is a formation medical researchers call the limbic node; it is croissant-shaped, with one end arching around to almost touch the other. Almost, but not quite. Electricity-based human nerve impulses can jump the gap; stimulation on either end causes excitation on the other end. Oral receptors are at one end of the limbic node and genital receptors are at the other end of the limbic node.

Those crazy medical researchers! Their studies show that in societies with higher emphasis on general brain development, there is a corresponding higher level of oral-genital sexual activity. French and Cree societies both fit into the higher-brain development category and I’ll gamble a wager on the origin of the Metis Nation from the shared preference for oral sex. Is the Metis infinity symbol really just a clever play on a sideways 69?

The head bone is connected to the vagina bone, as many intelligent people know, and you don’t have to be able to articulate the mechanics of it all to get it. In pre-Christian Cree society, adventures in sexuality were separated from pregnancy by well understood and widely practised plant-based and practice-based birth control. You could have your cake and eat it, too. Women were free to choose when, where, and with whom they would conceive a child. Women chose to have children spaced about four years apart—two or three at most—in a lifetime and had children in age cohorts within their own circle of age cohort sister-cousins. Children grew up with an age cohort of cousins, without the burden of having immediate older or younger siblings and with the benefit of being born into a circle of similarly aged playmate relatives.

Women often chose to have a first child around the age of 16, when their mothers were about 32, their grandmothers were about 48, their great-grandmothers were about 64, and their great-great grandmothers were about 80. It was not uncommon for women to live to 100 years, so up to six generations of mothers could be present in an extended family, with the newborn infant representing the seventh generation. This meant that every new mother was surrounded by a depth of experience in the fine arts of Indigenous Socialism. She was certainly never on her own, without support, trying to care for several, or even a dozen or more children, all her own, often on her own, as was the European standard at that same time in history.

Out of this foundational matrix arose the basic form of Indigenous Socialism. By choosing fathers from across the bio-region, extended family villages were cross-linked with many other extended family villages, in an intricate web that formed the regional and national governance systems. It was literally all in the family. The genius of Indigenous Socialism was that it did not extend from an avant-garde of intellectuals as a theory imposed imperfectly, top down, on a mass population, but instead was an organic product of a matrifocal society. When Fredrick Engels travelled to upper New York State to see for himself Haudenausaunee society in action, he marvelled at how a territorially large and heavily populated region could self-manage without elected officials, judges, police or prisons.

Like technological development, the organization of daily affairs in human society was founded on a completely different paradigm. Men did have roles, but women’s expectations of men were adjusted to account for men’s inherent weaknesses, most notably a propensity towards violence and a severe shortage of oxytocin. The poor dears could only get a blast of the primal socialist juice during orgasm; all the more reason to assist them in attaining as many as possible during a lifetime. Along with frequent orgasms, ceremonial activities also played an important part in reducing the potential stressor on a socialist system caused by an overabundance of testosterone—for instance, the sweatlodge. This wasn’t just an Indigenous introduction; Scandanavian societies, too, recognized the social benefits of immersing men in energy-sapping hot steamy environments for prolonged periods of time.

The Indigenius twist was an emphasis on the latent altruistic nature possibly underlying male humans’ obvious violent nature, as a remedy to the anti-social behaviours otherwise all too dominant. Protocol rituals in a simple sweatlodge ceremony remind and reinforce the necessary immersion of humans in the natural world; many times I’ve heard Elders leading sweatlodge ceremonies ritually comment on how we humans must humble ourselves and crawl on our hands and knees into the lodge, re-entering the womb of Mother Earth. During normal sweatlodge proceedings, water, earth, wind and fire are acknowledged with gratitude, from the perspective of the human family, while reminding us of our survival-based obligations to the circle of natural forces we have emerged from. The combination of intense heat, complete darkness and an extraordinary soundscape often moves participants out of day-to-day mundane realities and into the immediacy of relationship with Mother Earth. Everyone simultaneously has a unique experience and a deeply bonding common experience. Real socialism.

The genius of Indigenous ceremony is that it intentionally creates a psychological space where Indigenius Socialism can come to life, rewarding co-operation, voluntary sharing and spontaneous acts of kindness, while penalizing greed, selfishness and violence. These actions are easy for women, but hard for men—that damn testosterone! Within the ceremonial space, Indigenous women have figured out a method, over millennia, for engaging men, by using the same tactics used with young children. Useful roles are identified and social prestige is offered, while steady, firm Elder female hands quietly steer the ceremonial proceedings from a discreet position in the background.

I realize that we seem to be a long way away from the way of life that Rosa Luxemburg called primitive communism; she was just looking at what Marxists call the mode of production and she didn’t mean the mode of reproduction of the reserve army of labour. A syncretic Indigenius Socialism for the 21^st century has to account, in practice, for both the mode of production and the mode of reproduction and does so by putting the mode of reproduction where it belongs: first. You can’t build a socialist future among antisocial human beings; the 20^th century is a fine illustration of that point.

Becoming pregnant, being pregnant, giving birth, nurturing a new life: here’s where we can see the transcendence of the notions of wilderness and scarcity. Mother Earth is not wild, nor is She short on essential items for Her existence. The same is potentially true for every human mother; the keys are sharing and co-operation. Exactly what a global human society would look like following those two simple concepts is not for me to say, but I can predict something.

Indigenius Socialism will be built by women, for humanity, utilizing everything now in existence, to rise above the barbarism of the present moment. We men can choose to be women’s assistants in this project; it could be an ecstatic experience. Imagine global human population plummeting in a women-led movement, while orgasms per lifetime are skyrocketing. Perhaps the Metis Nation is a signpost to the future: Indigenous Peoples will be Peoples indigenous to Mother Earth—one race, diverse, living locally while thinking globally, wickedly intelligent, one more species among many worth saving from extinction. There is a window of opportunity now, but, if we humans don’t take it, we will just create another one soon. We will eventually choose socialism over barbarism; our Mother told us to.

Gifted with a white privilege suit on his birthday, Steinhauer has been slipping back and forth across the invisible boundary between Turtle Island and Canada since 1952. And this is what he saw.

Mother Earth

CIBC and Me, Part IV

dru — Fri, 12 Jun 2009 23:19:00 +0000

A little complaint about genocide, put into perspective

In May of 2003, Stewart Steinhauer informed the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce (CIBC) that he was stopping his payments on $150,000 of loans.

Steinhauer wrote at the time: "After 'discovering' genocide in Canada, I searched for the villains, and my search led from my reserve, here at Saddle Lake, to the top of the international financial community." As the primary beneficiaries of genocide and the expropriation of indigenous land that continues to drive it, Canada's financial institutions had to be held accountable.

"Unable to ignore, or deny, the incredible suffering being visited upon my family, friends, and all of the rest of the peoples who make up indigenous nations within the boundaries of Canada," wrote Steinhauer, "I began to look for something that I could actually do to affect the situation."

In an exchange of letters published in The Dominion, Steinhauer made his case for withholding payment. "I stated several times," Steinhauer wrote of an encounter with a debt collector, "that I intend to repay in full whatever I owe CIBC, when I am satisfied with Canada's actions in relation to Indigenous peoples, specifically the immediate repeal of the Indian Act, and the honouring of Treaty Six, including back payments, royalties, up-dated annuities, and whatever may be necessary to reverse the genocide." CIBC refused Steinhauer's conditions, and Steinhauer refused to pay.

* * *

Six years have passed since I launched my timid little complaint about genocide in Canada. One outcome has been the opportunity to engage in a whole lot of irritating telephone discussions with collection agency workers tasked by CIBC to harass me in the general direction they would like to see me go, like herding a wild animal out of the bush. Except for the initial response, a letter from CIBC printed by The Dominion in the first installment, there has been no more direct discussion between CIBC officials and myself about my initial complaint.

Other things have happened, too. The global financial meltdown, for one. Suddenly there is a public discussion about the bankocracy in power, and the massive transfer of taxpayer money into private shareholder and management hands, what some commentators are calling the largest theft in history. The geographer, David Harvey, calls it accumulation by dispossession. Take from the poor and give to the rich.

This is the role the historical development of capitalism has assigned to Indigenous Peoples in the Americas: we give, the rich take. Some Indigenous folks have been protesting; my cousin Vincent commented that we've gone from being officially listed as non-persons to being officially listed as terrorists. It's a start, in a way. Now we are at least perceived as existing.

Speaking of terrorists, how about that 19th century philosopher so frightening to almost all modern economists? I have tried to read Karl Marx, but there's something about his writing style and tone that loses me in the space between the capitalized first word in a sentence and the period indicating its end. I don't get the mental picture that a properly constructed sentence is supposed to leave you with. Marx got it all wrong, anyways. Right? Isn't that why absolutely no self-respecting professional economist even bothers to read "Capital"? Kind of a silent ban.

Ah, but forbidden fruit tastes best, doesn't it? The pursuit of forbidden pleasures returns highest yields when shrouded in secrecy; Bernard Madoff would agree. My secret research has been in a style academics call secondary research. I read what folks who've read "Capital" have to say about it, for instance Harry Cleaver's Reading Capital Politically.

And then along came David Harvey's 13-part lecture series, available at davidharvey.org. He's paid to lead a first reading of Capital Vol. 1 at City University of New York. Almost 40 years on in this line of work, you can hear him as he reads selected bits, broadens the meaning with his own examples and discussion, fields questions from his students and provides some outside discussion about Marx and Capital, Vol. 1 in short interview format, with a former student.

For me, it was still mind-numbingly abstract, but by the time I had listened through twice, I was suddenly ready to begin a serious examination of what folks call "the economy." Listening to David Harvey unravel Marx's critique of capitalism while watching Lehman Bros tank and AIG get the first of what has turned out to be a series of intravenous injections of taxpayers' blood, was astonishing. Marx, sitting quietly in the Royal British Museum 150 years ago, contemplating and writing industriously, was talking about the events I was witnessing around me.

From there it was an easy jump to internet discussions about Immanuel Wallerstein's world systems theory, and Giovanni Arrighi's opinions about China's "capital roaders." A description of the historical progression from City States like Venice to not-quite-nations states like Holland, to small nation states with global empires like Great Britain, to continent-sized nation states with global hegemony, like the United States of America, made sense.

All along through this search for meaning I've kept a sharp eye open for any reference to the Indigenous Peoples of what has come to be known as the Americas. In Left literature, such references are always brief: a sentence or two about the absolute destruction of Indigenous Peoples as a footnote in history, a part of primitive accumulation, capitalism's opening stage, long passed... and then no more. To the Left's credit, we at least make the footnote.

By listening to David Harvey I discovered that Karl Marx was engaged in an internal mental debate with David Ricardo and Adam Smith, whose theories are now called classical economy. In the Ricardian/Smithian version of the transition to capitalism, primitive accumulation is a quiet peaceful affair where hard-working individuals make their own breaks, while slothful Others lazily fall back. Those hard working individuals also just happen to be wisely thrifty, accumulating money until it can be diverted from personal consumption and re-deployed as Capital. In the classical and neo-classical liberal accounts of economy, there is absolutely no mention of the invasion of Turtle Island, wholesale destruction of human societies then present, and the absorption into capital stocks of the vast natural wealth of Turtle Island as it became the Americas.

Perhaps with our new designation as terrorists we'll have better luck than as non-persons. Maybe it's like the blues; you've gotta hang in there and do your time, pay your dues, before you get to move into the daylight of becoming just an average human being.

In 2003 I launched an incoherent one-person rebellion against a money property regime which I intuited but could not prove was implicated in the genocide of Indigenous Peoples. In 2009, my new, improved opinion has matured to an understanding that the money property regime against which I rebelled is implicated in genocides all over the planet. (Quite stupidly) from the point of view of its own survival, capitalism is even implicated in global ecocide. Marx lays out the reasons why the system moves inexorably in this direction. He's not the only one to ponder on these things, either. A very active global post-Marxist discussion is currently incorporating Marx's critique of David Ricardo and Adam Smith's classical economic theories, screened through the knowledge gained from the brutal experiences of failed attempts to implement Marxist theory. Ricardo, Smith, and Marx, as well as 100 per cent of so-called professional economists working today, are talking about theories. Actual experience interferes with the smooth operation of all these theoretical constructs, constantly.

I understand now why my property rights are suppressed, while Canadians' property rights are supported, in a property law system that tilts the tables towards the property rights of very wealthy individual Canadians. The key element in the suppression of my property rights is the forced disappearance of my traditional Indigenous forms of property rights, more accurately articulated as a relationship between humanity and non-human life forms (Mother Earth).

The destruction of Indigenous forms of property relationships is an example of activities that occur during Stage One of genocide, according to Raphael Lemkin, the legal expert contracted to draft the UN's Convention on Genocide. By Lemkin's criteria, Canada's Indian Act is an example of Stage Two genocidal behaviour: the forced imposition of the national characteristics of the genociders on the land, and on any surviving humans of the target group. In light of negative world opinion, Canada is edging towards another act of genocide, by incorporating Indigenous Peoples into the Canadian fee-simple property (estate land) law system, so that our original, frighteningly "socialist" property form is obliterated from memory.

I also now understand why money has the highest priority in the commodity chain, and why the folks who deal with the production and distribution of that particular commodity – bankers – have the highest priority in the power chain. I understand how what's called law is actively shaped and managed by the power chain gang, and why no court exists in the world for me to make my case about genocide in Canada.

In the year 2003, when I waved my tiny $150,000 of so-called debt in CIBC's face, in my ignorance, thinking that it might be an attention-getting device, CIBC management was focused on a $2 billion penalty fee arising from their involvement with Enron, a fine they voluntarily agreed to pay in order to avoid more serious consequences. I suppose it was my indoctrination into liberalist ideology that got me to believe that rational folks, when shown the truth, would react humanely. As my mental veil has been rudely lifted in public, my question to CIBC has, over time, transformed into a simple request for them to show me the legal proof, within the liberal structure of international law, of their claim of title to the money property that they "lent" to me. I'll speak more about banks and lending further on, but for now, I'll simply note that their Indian Act has tangled their own feet.

Canadian Indian policy was originally meant as a caretaker regime to quietly nurse Indigenous Peoples into a collective grave; this policy has backfired spectacularly in that, unexpectedly, Indigenous Peoples still exist. These still-existing Peoples are recognized, in international law, as holding certain political, economic and cultural rights, noted in the recent UN Declaration on Indigenous Rights. Canada, one of only four nations that refused to sign that declaration, claims root title to the Dominion of Canada, a title vested in the Crown.

The banks' claim, based on the Crown's claim, is invalid within the framework of international law even though the forces we're calling the Crown have constructed international law for their own purposes. Taken further, this means that all third-party claims based on the Crown's claims are also invalid; for instance, fee-simple title to real estate. Fee-simple is a registered interest in the Crown's underlying claim to root title. Anyone in Canada who holds fee-simple title is directly benefiting from the dispossession strategies to which Indigenous Peoples are subjected. It's a chain reaction caused by Indigenous Peoples' failure to disappear.

What are my choices? As a non-person-cum-terrorist I don't have the psychology to be even the tiniest bit threatening, thanks to being a life-long pacifist. Whether or not that psychology includes cowardice, it's compounded by a philosophical attraction to a long Indigenous history of non-violent problem-solving that always shies away from direct confrontation, while continuously seeking consensual solutions. Both the Mayan Zapatistas and the Bolivian Indigenous-driven Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) have anti-capitalism as the front plank in their campaign platform. Now I understand why. Capitalism is a system that requires exploitation, causes ever-widening gaps between rich and poor (with all it's socially destabilizing effects) and has to mine the environment in ever more extreme ways, leading ultimately to total environmental devastation. The system requires ongoing imperialism, and moves in bubble cycles; war, financial crises and environmental destruction are not aberrations of the system, but key structural components.

I started out with a tiny complaint about genocide, and linking it to the banking industry. That naïve action has opened a doorway to fantasies like a zero-growth economy, with full ecological sustainability, and trade systems based on fair and equitable exchange instead of exploitation, in a global system consciously chosen by folks who have the mental/physical/emotional/spiritual space in their day-to-day lives to devote to this sort of contemplation. All folks. Everywhere. The naïf in me imagines that there could be a genuine democracy, on the foundation of a grassroots council system, to replace the current system of oligarchic rule that uses a managed periodic electoral function to rubber-stamp the oligarchic decisions we now endure.

In 1980, an American Indian Movement activist, Russell Means, made a provocative public statement: "In order for humanity to live, Europe must die." Just more Indigenous terrorist rhetoric, right? Kill Europe?

Perhaps some bankerly folks absorbed his comment into their subconscious minds, and its sublimation re-surfaced as a mass financial suicide attempt in the fall of 2008. Certainly the eight years of Cheney-Bush administration made every effort to drive the US-centric Global Empire into the ditch.

It leaves humanity in a precarious position. The sudden massive transfer of public wealth to private bankers consolidates and centralizes wealth into fewer and fewer hands. Publicly-subsidized debt forgiveness for the rich and layoff/foreclosure/deficit for the poor is the proposed antidote to the present crisis. However, the decay of the US Empire, with no new greater-than-continental-sized Empire looming on the global horizon, presents an ideal opening for power chain gangs. Non-wealthy humanity, the remaining 99 per cent of us, is in such a state of antisocial disrepair that the likelihood of a grassroots democratic egalitarian outcome is remote. The alternatives seem to be a step backward into a dangerous, violent, global non-state, where Blackwater-style mercenary armies provide as much security as possible for oligarchs, or a step forward in human consciousness, beyond the ideologies of elite rule into a stable, global pro-choosing-all-life steady state.

My choices boil down to one simple action: I'll add my one little voice to the global vote on our common human future. I recommend that we humans start an international not-for-profit banking system that makes credit and credit counseling widely available. That would eliminate the need for primitive accumulation, including the accumulation through dispossession tactics that Indigenous Lands and Peoples are subjected to. Ricardo, Smith and Marx all describe the capitalist production cycle as starting with capital. It's a conundrum: if you can make it through to the end of the production cycle and successfully realize the transformation of the commodities produced back into money, you will have, at the end of the cycle, what you need at the beginning. Capital.

You either have to scavenge around, in other Peoples' pockets, figuratively speaking (one of the reasons for imperialism, for your startup capital), or you have to have access to credit. Canada's Indian Act prohibits on-reserve status Indians as individuals or as collectives, such as Indian Bands, from gaining access to Canadian credit markets, by vesting title to all property in the Crown. This vestiture is a component of Canada's ongoing struggle with Indigenous Peoples inside of Canada, where the Crown claims root title to all territory inside of the Dominion of Canada, in spite of the Crown's inability to provide evidence in support of such a claim. Banks cannot engage directly with on-reserve status Indian individuals or organizations because the normal types of security, where banks place claims on property, cannot be enforced.

I unintentionally sidestepped this barrier because of the way that racism's real name, white privilege, operates in apartheid societies. As described in earlier Dominion segments of this micro-saga, unconscious white privilege was interacting with unconscious white privilege whenever I sat in my CIBC accounts manager's office. From 1975 until 2002 this unconscious collusion kept my accounts transactions below the Indian Act radar, and it wasn't until CIBC upgraded their risk assessment programs to include, for the first time, an aboriginal business component, that my unique case came to light.

One fateful day, in the local St. Paul, Alberta, branch of CIBC, during a normal review of my banking business, my accounts manager was instructed by her monitor to press a certain key sequence to enter all information into the new aboriginal business program. From there, a warning popped up on her screen asking her to immediately call risk assessment headquarters in Toronto, followed shortly by a screaming male voice coming out of her phone ear piece, which I could hear plainly from across the office. He unwittingly became one of my informal advisers in the matters now being dutifully reported to you, the Dominion reader.

Section 89 of the Indian Act blocks CIBC from being able to take legal action against me. However, Section 89 also points obtusely towards the fact that, by the letter of the law, I own absolutely nothing while on reserve lands, not even the shirt on my back. The Dominion is not the Globe and Mail's Report On Business, so I probably won't get any feedback on this topic, but if any average Canadian business person was asked to give up all of the their Canadian property rights and forgo access to formal Canadian credit markets, while trying to operate any sort of (legal) business inside of an entire zone existing under these conditions, then they, like I, may try to lodge a complaint.

The UN's genocide clause about deliberately inflicting on a group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part may be argued against in the Canadian situation based on the inclusion of the word "deliberately." However, for anyone who is familiar with conditions of life on-reserve circa 2009, and continuously so since the Indian Act's official inception in 1876, the remainder of that clause is a grim reality.

Luckily this is about an Indigenous reality, where there are always more options. Would you care to dance? And so I dance around in a circle with CIBC, existing under a constant barrage of collection agency psychological operations, often laced with racist comments. But this isn't about CIBC; this about the Canadian banking system.

In western civilization's current system, commercial banks create new money by issuing new debt. The central banks of each of western civilization's nation state members manage the money supply in circulation to sort of keep step with their commercial banks' issuance of new money, and either accelerate or depress the demand for the issuance of new debt by adjusting the interest rate. Theoretically, private banks hold in reserve some proportion of the total amount of debt they have issued, in actual cash, taken as deposits or from the sale of shares.

The new money thus created must be repaid with interest; the interest portion is above and beyond the amount of the principle lent out. This means that new money has to be created somewhere else, the borrower has to be able to get his hands on it, and return it to the bank, along with the principle. For this to happen on an ongoing basis, the entire amount of money in circulation has to continually grow, with new money created through issuance of new debt going towards payment of interest on former issuance of new debt. In other words, a Ponzi scheme.

In order to avoid the Ponzi nature of our current money creation system, we need issuance of credit as a public service, and we need it to be issued without an interest charge. A central contradiction of capitalism is that capitalism requires infinite growth inside a finite space. Logically, we humans need to collectively contemplate a zero-growth economy. There's no good reason why money has to be created by commercial banks; have at look at Richard Douthwaite's The Ecology Of Money, a free read on the internet. And there is no good reason for interest to be charged; it's actually a from of extortion. That an elite group is allowed to create money out of thin air and then charge rent on it will be seen as criminal, some day.

Western civilizationists talk a lot about the democratic rule of law. In my humble opinion such talk is abstract; I for one would like to see this actually happen. Therefore, I also recommend that all Peoples present inside the territorial boundaries of Canada, Canadians and Indigenous, to carefully and thoughtfully end Canada’s apartheid era by undertaking a comprehensive collective action. The days of Indian Acts are over, and a new era of pluri-national, ethnically-diverse, eco-logically, bio-regional governance-by-consensus is dawning. Making credit available as a public service, like education and health care, and like energy and transportation services should also be, is a possible first step towards the advent of an Indigenist society: a Turtle Island re-emergence.

Ninety-nine per cent of the Peoples inside Canada, Indigenous and Canadian, are already paying for it – Canadians through dispossession of tax dollars, and Indigenous through dispossession of resources, land, and life. A major incentive to engage in primitive accumulation through dispossession would be removed if credit were made available as a public service. It's possible that a greener hue of what things look like right now could be produced, quite quickly, if we didn't have the inner driving forces of capitalism that continually push towards bubble crises, war, and ecological destruction.

Political economy is really not all that complicated, once you get the hang of it. Our current crop of bankocrats just make it look complicated.

In all fairness to them, it is extremely complicated to keep a severely dysfunctional system running when in fact it needs to die so that we all can live.

Gifted with a white privilege suit on his Birth Day, Steinhauer has been slipping back and forth across the invisible boundary between Turtle Island and Canada, since 1952. And this is what he saw.

Winter Spirit Bear

Why protest Vancouver's 2010 Olympics?

dawn — Fri, 17 Apr 2009 06:16:26 +0000

Standing up to the global system makes change possible

There are many reasons to protest the Olympic Games. It is a multi-billion dollar industry run by an elite clique that sells the five rings to the highest bidder, using sports as a commodity and a platform for corporate advertising. Their main goal is profit, in collaboration with their partners: government, local organizing committees, and corporations (construction, real estate, tourism, TV, and media, as well as sponsors).

The Olympics have a long history of association with fascists, colonialists, and authoritarian regimes (i.e., the 1936 Hitler Olympics, the 1968 Mexico City Olympic massacre, and the 2008 Beijing Summer Games). Since the 1980s, they have displaced over three million people and contributed to massive increases in homelessness (as we’ve seen in Vancouver).

Massive construction projects associated with the Olympics, from venues to infrastructure, result in both widespread environmental destruction and huge public debts. As part of security operations, police, military, and intelligence agencies receive millions of dollars for new personnel, equipment, and weapons — strengthening the creeping police states we see around the world and further eroding our alleged 'freedoms' and civil liberties.

Some naysayers ask: Why protest, since protests don’t change anything, and the Games are going to happen anyway? Their questions are based on the apparent futility of protest.

To begin with, protests are but one tactic used by social movements. They help raise awareness and mobilize people. The US black civil rights movement started out as small protests and grew into a mass campaign of civil disobedience. This forced the government to enact reforms and desegregate the South. Protests weren’t the only activities carried out by the civil-rights movement. They also organized forums, held workshops on legal rights, registered black voters, and printed newsletters.

Protests and civil disobedience were what made change both possible and necessary, because not only did they draw international attention to racism in the US, they also made it impossible for the apartheid system in the South to go on as it had before. By the 1970s and ’80s there were black mayors and chiefs of police; today, there is a black president.

People who say protests don’t change anything don’t know history. Those who say the Olympics can’t be fought don’t even know their own local history.

Over the last three years, the anti-Olympic movement has forced the Vancouver Organizing Committee (VANOC) off the streets, to the point where it no longer holds large, public ceremonies (as it did in 2007). Anytime the organizing committee does have events, it requires a large policing operation to secure them. This is because we have successfully used direct action to disrupt Olympic events.

The effectiveness of direct action and protest can be seen in the struggle for social housing in Vancouver. This campaign increased in 2006 when the growing ranks of homeless began to become a major political issue, linked to Olympic-related construction, gentrification, and tourism.

By the fall of 2006, housing and anti-poverty groups were having large, noisy protests and began occupying empty hotels. Over two dozen people were arrested, many of them members of the Anti-Poverty Committee. These actions raised the profile of homelessness and dislocation.

Since 2007, various levels of government, along with VANOC, have had to respond with measures to limit the loss of low-income housing units, and to appear as though they are addressing the issue. By 2008, the homelessness crisis, along with the Olympic Village fiasco, determined the outcome of the Vancouver civic election.

Homelessness became a public issue because people organized, educated, and agitated for change. Without the political pressure exerted by protest groups, without community resistance, the situation for the poor and the homeless would be far worse than it is today.

Why protest 2010? Because as history shows us, the limits of tyrants are set by those whom they attempt to tyrannize.

Gord Hill is a member of the Olympic Resistance Network and maintains No2010.com. He is also an artist and carver. A version of this article previously appeared in the Georgia Straight.

Eagleridge Bluffs

Through Canada’s Rez Zone Looking Glass

Moira Peters — Sun, 12 Apr 2009 06:37:03 +0000

Israeli Apartheid Week

KUTENAI TERRITORY, TURTLE ISLAND–Divining the past can be difficult, especially when your crystal ball is a bit smudged; it’s not all shooting fish in a barrel. In this fifth consecutive year of an international effort to call attention to the nature of the relationship between the Israeli state and Arab Palestinians living within and without that or any state, a question has been stirring at the margins of permissible thought.

What would a Canadian Apartheid Week look like? American Apartheid Week? Mexican Apartheid Week? An Apartheid Week for every nation state in the so-called Americas? Except for Bolivia, of course. After the last Bolivian national election, the new President said that Bolivia would no longer be needing a Department of Indian Affairs because the Indians were now the government.

As an Indigenous person, I ask myself if there is some level of hypocrisy going on in Canada if progressives demonstrate against Israeli state actions while continuing to enjoy the benefits of living in an entire hemisphere of apartheid, at home on native lands. Why not do both at once? And while we’re at it, why not join in with an international movement to guarantee the right to life for Jewish folk no matter where they are located?

Before the Empire, under Britain’s fading leadership at that time, declared an Israeli state in 1948, Jewish Palestinians and Arab Palestinians were living comfortably side by side. That peaceful co-existence can be traced back a long ways. As a member of Turtle Island’s Indigenous Peoples, the year 1492 stands out for me, as an important date in history. It’s an important date in Jewish and Muslim history, too: the year that Sephardic Jews and Muslim Moors were expelled from Spain. Where did the majority of Sephardic Jews flee to? The Arab Muslim Ottoman Empire, where Sephardic Jews were valued and appreciated for their skills, particularly in areas of scholarship. It was a reciprocal relationship, with Jews also introducing into Western Christian societies important Arabic knowledge in maths and other sciences.

Sad to say, but Empire has other needs. Now under US leadership, the Empire needs the Israeli state to continue relentlessly on the warpath it started down in 1948, a war of extermination against Arab Palestinians located within the region coveted by Eretz Israel. Eretz Israel is the land promised by the Hebrew Bible’s God to Abraham and his descendants through Issac and Abraham’s grandson, Jacob. This arrangement suits the Empire’s needs quite nicely, namely as a highly developed forward base for Empire’s ambitions in the Middle East. I’ll describe apartheid’s economic functions in more detail shortly, but for now suffice to say that, as long as the Israeli state follows the same exact methods practiced in Canada, the United States of America, Mexico, etc., etc., on down to and past (but now having to avoid Bolivia) then it will all work out... for the Empire.

This calculation leaves out the question of blowback against Jews, no matter were they are located. A thousand years of pogroms resulting from elites setting up Jews to be the fall guys should be enough of a history lesson, but consider the fate of Israeli Jews when Empire loses it’s regional grip. Add in Empire’s weakening of secularism within Arab states and Empire’s strengthening of fundamentalist beliefs, whether Christian, Islamic, Hindi, or Judaic, all united by the common belief that their own God has asked them to kill members of all of the others, and it looks like a sure recipe for disaster. Why would an intelligent Israeli Jew want to travel even one step further down that path?

Is anyone else confused about why the three major world religions that claim to descend from Abraham, namely, Christianity, Judaism, and Islam, all seem so intent on remaining bitter enemies, in action repudiating their own philosophies of brotherly love?

The question at hand, however, is a discussion about an international Israeli Apartheid Week. In all fairness to Israel, Zionist war mongers would have to kill hundreds of millions of Arabs, and occupy 16,430,000 square miles of Arab territory, in order to achieve parity with the apartheid system calmly proceeding, apparently unnoticed, on Turtle Island, in Canada, the US, Mexico, and so on.

An area that size would have to include all of the Middle East, plus considerable amounts of South and East Asia. A territorial expansion of that magnitude is certainly in Empire’s "New American Century" playbook, but clearly not in the cards for Israel. For an accurate comparison between Israeli Apartheid and Americas Apartheid, one must look at the historical record to make stage by stage comparisons.

Avigdor Lieberman’s call for the administration of a loyalty oath to Arab Israelis needs to be compared to the nation state of Canada’s Province of British Columbia, where new legislation is currently under consideration to legally recognize Indigenous Peoples within the boundaries of the province as human beings. Lieberman is ahead of the Province of British Columbia in that he already recognizes Arab Israelis as human beings, viciously prejudiced as his judgement may otherwise be. In BC, I’ll have to wait with bated breath, as the business community battles the Recognition and Reconciliation Act proposals, to discover whether I will become a legal person in the eyes of the law. Since Governor James Douglas' 1858 legal declaration that the lands in the new Crown Colony of British Columbia were unoccupied, Indigenous Peoples within that territory have been non-persons, especially in relation to any type of property rights, Indigenous or Canadian, a declaration still in effect at the time of this writing.

Taken in total, I’d like to suggest that Palestinian Arabs, Jews of the world no matter where located, and Indigenous Peoples of Turtle Island have common cause: surviving genocidal onslaughts. Cynical power players within Arab, Jewish, and Indigenous populations can be seen siding with Empire, no doubt prompted by a misguided sense of Darwinian notions about survival of the fittest. This individualist perspective leaves out long-term analysis, especially an analysis of long-term non-human global reactions. For instance: general environmental destruction, to name just one.

We humans have the mental, physical, emotional and spiritual capacity to turn course, change direction. The recent presidential election in the United States was a collective expression of exactly that desire, immediately subordinated to the needs of Empire. As a not-yet-recognized-as-human denizen of Canada’s Rez Zone, BC division, I’d like to humbly suggest that the solution to the apartheid problem could be more quickly advanced by a solidarity movement involving Indigenous folk, Jewish folk, and Arab Palestinian folk, against Empire in general, and apartheid states in particular.

Canada’s Indian Act and Indian Policy is the acceptable role model for Israel’s apartheid policy, and for South Africa’s apartheid policy of yesteryear. Canada’s Gaza Strip and West Bank were happening in the 1800s: mass slaughters in various colonial frontier encounters, like the Chilcoot War; forced starvation, for instance the sealing off of western prairie reserves as collective punishment after the North-West Rebellion, where up to 50 per cent of reserve populations perished; and the systematic destruction of Indigenous economic, political and social structures that was and still is Canada’s Indian Act.

When I was a child there was a large “NO TRESPASSING” sign, in English, a hundred yards from my house at the edge of Saddle Lake Indian Reserve # 125, obviously meant for Canadians to obey. Centuries of forced separation still play out in the daily lives of Cree folk and Canadian settler descendants; in small towns like St Paul, Alberta, the apartheid is so palpable you can cut it with a knife, and folks on both sides of the now-invisible barriers regularly do.

However, in spite of five hundred years of living this experience, I’d like to suggest that our common cause is much more significant than our presumed differences. This is true for any of the so-called areas of conflict in the post-modern world, where folks tend to focus on gender/sexual orientation, or race, or class, or ecology or authority. From an Indigenous perspective these are all parts of the elephant being described by blind persons as they each touch the portion closest to them. Apartheid systems are just one facet of the global control system I’ve been calling Empire.

As promised earlier, I’ll return to a brief examination of the economic function of apartheid. Apartheid serves as a necessary firewall between human beings belonging by birth to differentiated groups. Differentiated groups are brought into close physical proximity by colonial expansion, which I’ll call imperialism. Imperialism solves some of the inherent contradictions in capitalism, by expanding capital supply through primitive accumulation (expropriation of lands and resources), expansion of non-home markets, safety valve outlets for burgeoning unwanted home population, sources of lower cost labour power, and, in more advanced cases, through the creative destruction of productive property, thereby allowing a new cycle of production to begin by generally reducing previous over-productive capacities.

One problem encountered in the settlement stage of colonial expansion is that humans have the tendency to ignore the artificially imposed differentiations, and spontaneously re-group. Some sort of apartheid policy is necessary to prevent the potentially “destructive” co-mingling of plain human beings. Theories of race were invented to specifically re-enforce this artificial separation.

In Canada, apartheid is still an important social dam holding back a generalized reaction against the ongoing systematic de-humanization that I and all Indigenous Peoples inside of Canada are daily subjected to. The BC Chamber of Commerce is very concerned about the proposed new Recognition and Reconciliation Act because it threatens this apartheid relationship which allows smooth functioning of traditional colonial accumulation through dispossession. Timber. Minerals. Real Estate. Water.

At a moment in human history when the obvious contradictions of capitalism, imperialism, sexism, and ecological destruction are glaringly in-the-face of the human public, amplified by the as yet unrestricted access to information provided by communications technology, a unified pro-life choice movement may be timely.

Without the needs of Empire to sustain, there would be no need for the accumulation by dispossession facilitated by apartheid systems. Scarcity, like race, is an artificially constructed ideology that serves the purpose of Empire. Overcoming the ideology of scarcity is the next major collective undertaking facing humanity. If Jewish Peoples, Arabic Peoples, and Indigenous Peoples of Turtle Island were to unite in an anti-scarcity campaign, properly called a pro-plenty for all campaign if we remember to share, then we would see real, sudden, and dramatic change; the kind of change folks in the US thought they were voting for, the possibility of such a change that folks around the world celebrated ecstatically, on the evening of November 4th, 2008.

I realize that it’s a bit more complicated than that, and I’ll return to economic issues later, but for now I’ve had my say about apartheid. What do you think?

Steinhauer I

Steinhauer III

An Open Letter from Jewish Youth in Canada

dru — Mon, 05 Jan 2009 07:18:20 +0000

Diverse voices oppose apartheid policies, Zionism

January 5, 2009

Like much of the world, we have spent the last week watching in shock and disgust as Israel continues its assault on the Gaza Strip. With the body count rising and a new tragedy in full bloom, we feel that it is important to speak out as Jewish youth in Canada and to denounce what Israel is doing in our name. The Jewish diaspora is diverse and divided on its positions on the state of Israel's policies. At this juncture in history, as Israel has committed its worst massacre in Gaza since it began its illegal occupation in 1967, we feel that it is crucial that Jews speak out and denounce Israel's actions that amount to no more than war crimes committed by an apartheid state.

As Jewish youth, we are diverse, but we are unified in our solidarity with our Palestinian brothers and sisters in Gaza.

Some of us are students. We are outraged by the bombing of the Islamic University in Gaza city, as well as other civilian infrastructure such as hospitals and mosques.

Some of us are Arab-Jews and people of colour. We stand against Israel's racism, which has been enshrined in Israeli law, and privileges its Jewish citizens over its non-Jewish ones. This apartheid state views Palestinians as an expendable people, no more than collateral damage.

Some of us are queer. We reject Israel’s branding of itself as the only safe place for queer people in the Middle-East while it targets gay and lesbian Palestinians and renders life unsafe for millions of others.

Some of us are Israelis living in Canada. We are calling for a solidarity that stretches beyond borders and nationalities. Israel's violent actions will only serve to further isolate the state and its citizens from the rest of the world. By calling itself a Jewish state and committing war crimes in the name of Jews everywhere, Israel makes the world even less safe for Jews, leading to an increase in animus towards Jewish people around the world.

Even though there have been approximately 100 Palestinian deaths for every Israeli killed by rocket fire, we recognize that Israeli apartheid also leads to Israeli casualties. The blame for these deaths lies with Israel – if there were no occupation and no apartheid policies, there would be no rocket fire. If Israel, the world's fourth largest military power, is concerned about its citizens, it would abandon its apartheid policies and seek out justice for the Palestinian people.

In 2005, Palestinian civil society put out a clear call for international support through a non-violent campaign of Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) similar to that carried out against the apartheid regime of South Africa. Now, with the people of Gaza being crushed by Israeli bombs, manufactured in the USA and launched with Canada's blessing, it is more important than ever for Jewish communities throughout the world to take up this BDS campaign in order to end Israel's apartheid system, which makes life unsafe for millions of Jews and Palestinians alike.

Let us not be silent bystanders while humanity suffers. Let us raise our voices, as Jewish youth, and demand a single, democratic state, with equal rights for everyone in Israel/Palestine.

Ours is a generation that is committed to ending Middle-East violence by opposing all forms of discrimination, calling for a just peace within the entire region, and condemning Zionism to the dustbin of history.

Free Gaza, Free Palestine,

1 Jenny Peto, Toronto, ON
2 Aaron Lakoff, Montreal, QC
3 Max Silverman, Montreal
4 Rachel Gurofsky, Peterborough, ON
5 Simon Gurofsky, Ottawa, ON
6 Zohar Melinek, Montreal
7 Claire Hurtig, Montreal
8 Ben Saifer, Ottawa
9 Brook Thorndycraft, Toronto
10 Joel Balsam, Montreal
11 David Mandelzys, Toronto
12 Reena Katz, Toronto
13 Mia Amir, Vancouver, BC
14 Matthew Shuster, Kingston, ON
15 Avi Grenadier, Kingston
16 Chanda Prescod-Weinstein, Waterloo, ON
17 Melissa Harendorf, Montreal
18 Jeff Hiemstra, Toronto
19 Sacha Moiseiwitsch, Vancouver
20 Jake Javanshir, Toronto
21 Noam Lapid, Montreal
22 Stephen Kamnitzer, Toronto
23 Naava Smolash, Vancouver
24 Tamara Herman, Victoria, BC
25 Ryan Katz-Rosene, Ottawa
26 Sarah Fuchs, Montreal
27 Daniel Thau-Eleff, Winnipeg, MB
28 Deborah Rachlis, Ottawa
29 Marie L. Belliveau, St. Catharines, ON
30 Sarah Kardash, Sackville, NB
31 David Taub Bancroft, Vancouver
32 Kinneret Sheetreet, Montreal
33 Rachel Marcuse, Vancouver
34 Lisa Barrett, Bowen Island, BC
35 Rosanne Iland, Echo Bay ON
36 Max Tennant,Vancouver
37 Noah Fine, Vancouver
38 David Hill, Vancouver
39 Corey Balsam, Ottawa
40 Lee Skinner, Vancouver
41 Britt Lehmann-Bender, Toronto
42 Alexis Mitchell, Toronto
43 Jesse Rosenfeld, Montreal
44 Peter Driftmier, Calgary, AB
45 Joshua Schwebel, London, ON
46 Gideon Boxall, Vancouver
47 Diana Jewell, Mission, BC
48 Judith Mintz, Peterborough
49 Omri Haiven, Halifax, NS
50 Anne Bosch, North Vancouver
51 Emily Bitting, Moncton, NB
52 Vivian Belik, Winnipeg
53 Sasha Lofquist, Oakville, ON
54 Maya Shapiro, Toronto
55 Lisa Frances Greenspoon, Montreal
56 Aviva Cipilinski, Winnipeg
57 Daniel Tetrault, Vancouver
58 Yaacov Iland, Kitchener, ON
59 Jonah Gindin, Toronto
60 Rachel Huot, Toronto
61 Michelle Ohnona, Montreal
62 Myka Tucker-Abramson, Vancouver
63 Smadar Carmon, Toronto
64 Eytan Holtzer, Kingston
65 Irene Germain, Montreal
66 Emma Beltran-Kulikovsky, Toronto
67 Jordan Topp, Montreal
68 Adam Balsam, Ottawa
69 Natalie Kouri-Towe, Toronto
70 Simone Arsenault-May, Toronto
71 Louisa Worrell, Ottawa
72 Rachel Deutsch, Toronto
73 Bee Sack, Toronto

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Israeli Supporters

Jewish Demonstrator